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Macedonian
Agenda
The Macedonian Elderly: A Needs Study Of The Macedonian Elderly In The Western Region of MelbourneBy Macedonian Community Welfare Association Of The Western Region Inc. This is an edited version of the report, The Macedonian Elderly: A Needs Study of the Macedonian Elderly in the Western Region, published in Melbourne, June, 1993 Acknowledgments: This report is the product of the collaborative efforts of the following people: Lily Sukovski, Diana Lozevska, Joe Ribarow, Spase Velanovski, Sue Armstrong, Jim Thomev, Mike Dodds, Makedonka Kralevska, the Committee of Management of the Migrant Resource Centre North West Region, and all the Macedonians who participated in the survey. Executive Summary This report is a pioneering work in the exploration of the needs of
the Macedonian elderly. Whilst its essential focus is the four Macedonian
senior citizen groups of Keilor, Sunshine, Footscray and Altona in Melbourne,
nevertheless it presents a general picture of the Macedonian people
and their historical background. The main source of specific information about the Macedonian elderly
was a survey which mainly looked at the knowledge and use of the Home
And Community Care (HACC) services. The primary research was conducted with: The key findings of this survey were: Whilst there was no existing information available on the Macedonian elderly for the conduct of secondary research, general information on the Macedonians was drawn on for the purpose of this report. Of interest here are the patterns of migration and settlement, key cultural values and preoccupations together with a brief guideline of the history of the Macedonian people. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background of Project During 1992, the Macedonian Community Welfare Association of the Western
Region (MCWAWR) received a grant from Community Services Victoria (CSV)
under the HACC Program to document the needs and support the elderly
Macedonians in the western region of Melbourne. The Macedonian senior
citizens groups targeted were in the municipalities of Keilor, Sunshine,
Footscray and Altona. This project had a community development perspective and its emphasis on support for elderly Macedonians was a timely extension of the various activities of the MCWAWR since its formation in 1984. The main interests of this association have included support for recreational and sporting groups, dancing groups, elderly clubs, women's groups, research and volunteer information and referral services. 1.2 Objectives of the Project The project aimed to: - Promote access and advocacy by establishing formal links between
local government and Macedonian elderly groups. - Educate Macedonian elderly groups about access to decision making
processes in the region, so that they can be included in the planning
and development of services for their needs. - Establish social, recreational and information programs in response
to specific needs. - Survey the needs and assess the knowledge and use of HACC services by the Macedonian elderly. 1.3 Methodology To achieve those objectives the following methods were used: an appointed
Macedonian Elderly Research and Support Worker: - Assisted the transition of elderly citizen groups to Council owned
Senior Citizen Centres (Footscray and Altona). - Advocated on behalf of Macedonian Senior Citizen Groups to ensure
access to appropriate Council owned premises. - Arranged for Centre based meals to be introduced to all four Macedonian
elderly groups. - Developed and administered a questionnaire to a cross-section of
Macedonian elderly from the four groups to examine their profile and
needs, knowledge and use of HACC services. - Arranged health based sessions targeting Macedonian women in the
40+ age group. - Developed a women's senior citizens group. 1.4 About the Report The specific purpose of this report is to give service providers and
other interested individuals or government departments a profile of
the Macedonian elderly in the western region of Melbourne. The four
groups referred to are based in the municipalities of Keilor, Sunshine
(St Albans), Altona (North) and Footscray (Yarraville). A profile of
the respective groups can be found in Appendix I. Whilst many senior citizens in Australia regardless of origin share
various characteristics (or problems) across the board, and many "ethnic"
groups have closer affinities, ethnospecific reports such as this one
can be justified by the high specificity and uniqueness of the cultural/
ethnic group in question. It is not only important to alert policy makers
to specific needs of an obvious sort such as language, but also those
more elusive areas of experience which are usually referred to with
the blanket term "culture". In point of fact, in the case of Macedonian elderly citizens there
are very important dimensions of identity, expressed in ethnic terms,
which comprise a major preoccupation for them and certainly pose a problem
which requires illumination. It is hardly surprising that in the May
1991 HACC Program Report the following statement was included: "The consultations with the Macedonian community illustrated that
the recognition of ethnic identity was extremely important". (page
7, Ministerial Reference Group on HACC Ethnic Services) This current research is a pioneer in the area of looking at the needs
of Macedonian senior citizens. The study is confined to only four Macedonian
senior citizens groups from a possible 12 throughout Melbourne (other
important groups are found in the municipalities of Whittlesea, Preston,
Northcote, Doncaster, Springvale and Geelong). Whilst we confine ourselves to the Macedonian elderly in the western region, no doubt the issues will have a more general application and validity for this ethnic group. 1.5 Limitations There were three major limitations in the execution of the research
project. I) The short term nature of the project with funding allocated for
only six months. II) This research formed a part and not the sole role of the worker
as the position title, Macedonian Elderly Research and Support Worker,
indicates. III) The need for the worker to be present while virtually every questionnaire
was answered proved to be very time consuming. Due to the abovementioned limitations which were largely foreseen,
virtually all the questions had to be designed to be answered in a pre-set
fashion, which curtailed the potentially limitless variety of responses.
Also, these same limitations did not allow the project worker to access any of the isolated and frail elderly in the Macedonian community. The results will therefore represent a younger mean age. However this is a significant snapshot of the HACC users of the very near future so this information should therefore encourage service providers to be productive and develop relevant appropriate services accordingly.
2.1 Macedonians and the Census in Australia It is important to give some explanation about why it is difficult
to get accurate statistics on the Macedonians. After all, many plans
and decisions for service delivery are necessarily made on numbers which
indicate the range and extent of need. Amongst the Macedonians themselves it is generally believed that Australian
Bureau of Statistics figures for the Macedonian people are significantly
understated. Community estimates range from 150,000 to 200,000 Macedonians
living in Australia. The Diocese of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in
Australia which has jurisdiction over 19 churches gives a modest 150,000
plus. However the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Census of 1986 revealed
that 41,893 people in Australia indicated as being of "Macedonian
ancestry", the majority of whom live in Victoria and NSW. The explanations for such discrepancies are the persistent after effects
of historical reasons such as the lack of recognition and denationalization
in country of origin and poor understanding of what is being asked.
Thus due to the fact that Macedonia was not an independent country there
is confusion in self-identification with such labels as "Yugoslav-Macedonian"
or "Greek-Macedonian" which the ABS did not classify as valid
designations of either ethnicity or language. To the outsider it may
seem odd that ethnic identification does not appear a straightforward
matter. In fact in terms of everyday living it is not so complicated.
Some of the difficulty is a result of the fear of bureaucracy. Macedonians
have a very negative experience of authorities and officialdom regardless
of which part of the divided homeland they come from. Moreover, notions
of confidentiality and trust of authority are difficult to accept by
people who have experienced the institutionalized paranoia of the police
state. An interesting statistic for Victoria from an official source other than the ABS is that of the state Ministry of Education (now the Directorate of School Education - DSE). In 1990 the ministry released data on "Language spoken at home" which indicates that Macedonian is the fourth largest language of the students of Non-English Speaking Background in the state school system. 2.2 Macedonian Community Structure in Victoria Few people who have a close familiarity due to membership or professional
involvement with a particular community would be inclined to disagree
with the following judgement: "Communities are always mixed, contradictory, conflict-ridden
and by no means socially isolated entities". (Kalantzis, Cope and
Slade, 1985 p94) This is true for the Macedonian community. Its complexities of background,
language and identity are reflected in its organizational structures
in Victoria. In the traditional pre-industrial society from which most Macedonians
have come, life was centred around the village church. This has been
duplicated to some extent in the countries to which they have migrated.
A significant part of the political pluralism that has developed in
the Republic of Macedonia since 1989 has been a new emphasis placed
on the church as a symbol of national unity. Indeed it would appear
that the Macedonians in the home country believe it is the strongest
link with the diaspora. In Australia, the first church outside Macedonia was consecrated in
1960. For this reason the St George Macedonian Orthodox Church in Fitzroy,
Melbourne, has a powerful emotional significance. It was founded by
Macedonians who had their origins in Aegean Macedonia, and what is even
more worthy of note, it was established before the Macedonian Orthodox
Church was declared autocephalous in 1967 (on the bicentennial of the
demise of the Ohrid Archiepiscopate in Western Macedonia in 1767). In Melbourne there are four Macedonian Orthodox Churches: in Fitzroy,
Footscray, Preston and Springvale. There is also a church in Geelong,
while the St George community also has a little monastery located on
acreage in Kinglake and the Footscray church, St Ilija, has a monastery
in Rocklyn. Typically, the Macedonian Orthodox Church parish has a church run by
a church board, a social committee and various subsections such as a
school where the language is taught, a women's group as well as a folkloric
dance group for the young people. Broader welfare activity has not been
seen as a role of the church. In 1984, a group of more than 30 Macedonian organizations came under
the umbrella of the Federation of Macedonian Associations in Victoria
(FOMAV). Member organizations included pensioner groups, a human rights
committee, the Macedonian Teachers Association of Victoria, the Australian
Macedonian Drama Group, the Preston-Macedonia Soccer Club, and practically
all the folkloric dance groups independent of the churches. The churches
did not send representatives as they maintained FOMAV was a "political"
organization. Many of the groups within FOMAV were newly formed and involved professionals
from the second generation, and the Federation availed itself of these
specialist skills for its lobbying role. In its constitution, FOMAV
explicitly stated its intention to be a consultative body, viz: "Objective 4 (b). To represent the interests of the affiliated
bodies and organizations before local, state and federal governments,
and other bodies worldwide." There is nothing comparable in the Constitution of the Macedonian Orthodox
Communities which are bound to the canonical rules of the Macedonian
Orthodox Holy Synod of Skopje and Ohrid. In the short period since its formation, FOMAV organized cultural activities,
Moomba Parades (it won the best float award in 1990), liaised with government
departments and lobbied specific politicians, initiated a Macedonian
Welfare Council in the northern suburbs and organized two mass demonstrations
in 1988 which were the first of their kind in Melbourne. We have noted that the Macedonian churches have been conservative in
terms of involvement in the mainstream in Australia, whereas FOMAV saw
its role as becoming more and more involved with life in Australian
society generally. Apart from these two strands, there is a third which
has explicitly nationalist and political goals, mainly determined by
a strong attachment and a nostalgia for the place of origin, Macedonia,
and its historical fate. In 1989, in immediate response to attacks on the Macedonian ethno-specificity
from Dr V Seselj, a former dissident and Serbian nationalist who at
present has a seat in the Serbian parliament in Belgrade, a grass roots
political organization was formed and named The United Macedonians of
Australia. In the Statute of the United Macedonians (1989) the main stress is
on maintaining and developing "a Macedonian national consciousness".
All methods, within legal bounds, are to be used to continue "the
revolutionary people's liberation struggle ... [to achieve] ... a united
and free Macedonia, independent in the Balkans, or as an equal subject
of the European community of free peoples." (Section II, Article
7). With regards to the younger generation, the Australian-born, love
of Macedonia ("the old fatherland") is to be fostered alongside
love of Australia ("the new fatherland"). Significantly, when multi-party elections were finally permitted in
Yugoslavia in 1990, the United Macedonians in Victoria formed a political
branch of the nationalist opposition party in the Republic of Macedonia
and started fundraising for the election campaign. The party, VMRO -
Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity, had enormous emotional
appeal because of its use of the name of the most important liberation
movement in modern Macedonian history (VMRO - Internal Macedonian Revolutionary
Organization [1893-1934]). Whilst the party won the most parliamentary
seats in the first democratically held elections, it did not get an
absolute majority mandate and has since been in opposition. More than 150 Macedonian organizations in Victoria usually roughly
fall within the three strands of ideas and practices of the organizations
described in this section. The dominant impulse (with varying degrees
of strength) to affirm Macedonian ethno-specificity is present in all
of them, although there is broad disagreement about procedures and differences
in rhetoric. This year, 1993, has seen many dramatic changes in the Macedonian community
in Victoria. Two such changes or movements are worthy of note because
they suggest new directions for the community not only in Victoria but
Australia. The first is that 14 Macedonian Orthodox community organizations in
Australia have decided to make a move to bring more control of the Diocese
of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in Australia and have a Bishop reside
locally rather than in the homeland. With more control of church communities
by local Macedonians there may be more relevance for the church in local
conditions. This is a period of transition not only for Macedonia as
a nation but its very institutions and their relations with Macedonians
in the diaspora. Another local (Victorian) change has been the transformation of FOMAV
into purely a federation of artistic or folkloric groups. A new structure
has been put in its place. The Macedonian Community Council of Melbourne
and Victoria has been established with over 70 organizations already
forming its extensive membership. In a Macedonian newspaper article
(Today Denes 23/ 3/ 93, page 12) the organizers concluded the report
on the meeting with resounding optimism: "Macedonians, we are on
the crest of a new era, on an international level and locally. The future
is in our hands". In terms of welfare services, two bodies have undertaken this task, one of which has commissioned this report. The MCWAWR is based in St Albans and caters to the large number of Macedonians in the western region of Melbourne. The other is the Australian Macedonian Welfare Council based in Reservoir and caters mainly to the Macedonians in the northern suburbs. More specifically, as this indicates, Macedonians are found in the greatest numbers in such municipalities as Whittlesea, Preston, Sunshine, Footscray and Keilor. In the eastern suburbs they are found mainly in Doncaster, Bulleen and Springvale. 2.3 A General Point In a demographic and attitudinal survey of the Macedonian speaking
community in Queanbeyan and Canberra published by the Canberra Regional
Office (1984), there is an interesting summary of findings: "In the workforce it appears that many of the first generation
rode out their disadvantages (ie, lack of industrial skills and English)
through hard work ... employees ... were more interested in generating
harmonious working relations than overreacting to any racial or other
source of tension. "At home their families also learned the perceived advantages
of keeping largely to themselves, not only as a direct outcome of their
long tradition of self-reliance but also because of their awareness
of the unfamiliarity of the ways of an urban, industrial based English
speaking society. However ... this approach brought with it a general
lack of willingness to make rightful claims along with other residents
on the opportunities, resources and services available in the wider
society. In turn, this led to an underdevelopment of members' occupational
skill capacities and thereby to a lack of work promotion and economic
advancement. This approach also led to a failure to fully develop their
English speaking and writing abilities; and in due course resulted in
the inevitable transfer of relative disadvantage to the children"
(p2-3). Broadly speaking this gives a very valuable insight into Macedonians in general from the second big wave of migration, ie mainly those from the Republic of Macedonia. Whilst the above study is based on only 298 families in one particular location in Australia, it would be fair to say that the mechanisms of coping with the English-speaking industrial society which it describes are broadly accurate for most Macedonians. The relatively few graduates of Macedonian origin from tertiary institutions in Australia could be explained in part by the first generation's difficulties and indeed, values. It is not surprising that practically all surveys on the needs of Macedonian speakers (eg Chapman, 1989; Kareski, 1983; and Christie 1990, 1991) stress the need for more bilingual professionals of Macedonian origin in the service areas.
Whilst the earlier post-war Macedonian migrants (in the 1950s and 1960s)
who came from Aegean Macedonian settled in the inner city areas (Fitzroy,
Clifton Hill, Northcote, Richmond etc) or on farms mainly in Werribee
and Shepparton, those from the Republic of Macedonia (ex Yugoslavia)
went to the northern or western suburbs in the late 1960s and 1970s.
The fact that Macedonia was divided and the parts incorporated in larger
nation-states has meant that the ethnicity of the Macedonians has not
been given due prominence and visibility in Australia. In the past they
have been grouped as either a part of the Yugoslav or Greek group as
the tendency was to identify people with country of origin rather than
specific ethnicity. Of course, Macedonian self-identification was also
vitiated by fear, expedience or lack of comprehension of the notion
of ethnicity. So the Macedonians in the western region have generally been lumped
with the other ethnic groups from Yugoslavia, with Werribee being unusual
in that it has many settlers from Aegean Macedonia. Within the western
suburbs there is resettlement as Macedonians move out from inner suburbs
such as Yarraville, Spotswood, Footscray and Newport towards suburbs
such as Sunshine, Keilor, Sydenham, Delahey, Taylors Lakes and St Albans.
A comparable earlier shift has been that of Macedonians from the inner
city moving out towards the north (Lalor, Thomastown etc) or the north-east
(Doncaster, Bulleen etc). The approximate membership of the four Macedonian elderly clubs in
the western region is as follows: Footscray - 100, Altona - 80, St Albans
- 80, and Keilor - 40. We have already mentioned (in 2.1) the difficulty
of getting accurate demographic statistics on the Macedonians. Bearing
in mind the complexity of the situation we may nevertheless still find
some available information useful. For instance in its Comparative Study
of Ethnic Communities in Sunshine and Keilor (1992) the MRC North West
Region report has this entry on the Macedonian people: "If it can be assumed that the rate of increase of the aged sector
of the Macedonian community is similar to the Yugoslav born, then there
will be three to four times as many elderly Macedonians in 2001 as there
were in 1986". (page 48) It is obvious that the number of Macedonian elderly is increasing as
is the number of elderly in the rest of the population, and that the
urgency for services and attention will become more vital. For the above reasons Non English Speaking Background (NESB) statistics available from the Royal District Nursing Service (RDNS) of patient episodes in the western metropolitan region are particularly revealing. Table 1 indicates the number of Macedonian-born patients for the period of 1 July 1991 to 30 June 1992. Table 1
A much more revealing set of statistics is those given for patient
episodes from the country of origin previously known as Yugoslavia.
Of the total patients treated in the period 1 July 1990 to 30 August
1991 in the western metropolitan region 2,790 (or 32 per cent) were
NESB. 232 patients (or 8 per cent) of these NESB patients were born
in the former Yugoslavia. A further breakdown from this raw data gave
the following: Table 2
At any one time 90 per cent of these 'episodes' are in the elderly
(65+) category. (Source: Vivienne Hester, Education Officer, Royal District
Nursing Service.) It would be safe to infer that the Macedonian speakers are by far the more numerous population, generally speaking, not just greater users of the RDNS.
4.1 Aims and Methodology The survey conducted for the purpose of this project was modest in
scope. The major aim was to assess the knowledge and use of HACC services
by the Macedonian elderly. This was done on the basis of the response
of 100 respondents to a questionnaire designed by the HACC worker. Whilst the survey is not painstaking in its details, it is the first
time such first hand information has been collected on this scale on
the Macedonian elderly anywhere in Australia. Such documentation is
essential for the purposes of understanding the life situation of the
Macedonian elderly. Participants in the research were approached through existing elderly
clubs in the western region. The purpose of the research was explained
and volunteers were asked to respond to a prepared questionnaire. It was not feasible to attempt a random sampling of elderly Macedonians. However, the final results are encouraging in that the sample characteristics proved to be consistent with some of the known population statistics. Sample data such as gender mix and place of residence were similar to the census figures for the population distribution within the western region. Overall, between 10 per cent and 20 per cent of the elderly Macedonians, as identified in the 1986 census, were interviewed from the main locations of the community within the region. Therefore it can be argued that the sample is typical of the elderly population and that the research findings are applicable to a large number of people. 4.2 Survey Findings
It should be kept in mind that equal numbers from each group were not surveyed. Approximate breakdown of the membership of each group at the time of the survey was: Footscray 100, Altona 80, St Albans 80, Keilor 40. Actual regular attendance at these groups are between half for the bigger groups to two-thirds for the smaller groups of these respective figures. Question 2. WHICH SUBURB DO YOU LIVE IN?
Ninety nine per cent of respondents live in the western region of Melbourne, which fall into the following municipalities, below. Question 3. WHICH MUNICIPALITY DO YOU LIVE IN?
When we check what municipality the respondents live in against the figures of actual group attendance, we find that one-third of respondents who attend the Footscray group don't live within the municipality. Despite the group having recently moved from its central position in Footscray, which is well served by public transport, to a location in Yarraville, the status of being the original Macedonian elderly group in the western region has held an attraction for many people. Question 4. SEX OF RESPONDENT The sample consisted of 53 males and 47 females. Question 5. AGE OF RESPONDENT
Minimum age = 42 Fifty two per cent of the respondents are between the ages 60 to 70 years and 15 per cent are 70 and over. Question 6. COUNTRY OF BIRTH
This question was left open to respondents to choose what they identified as "country". It is interesting to note that when cross-checked with Question 7 which asks, which area (of the country of origin) do you come from, 95 per cent indicated they came from a region of the Republic of Macedonia or the Republic itself. Question 7. WHICH AREA IN COUNTRY OF ORIGIN?
Question 8. YEAR OF ARRIVAL IN AUSTRALIA
The bulk of settlers (73 per cent) arrived in the 15 year period between 1960 and 1974. The greatest concentration (61 per cent) was in the 10 year span between 1965 and 1974. Forty-seven per cent gave economic reasons for migrating whilst 41 per cent gave family reunions. Looking at the gender breakdown of the period, when the bulk of these settlers arrived, there is a marked difference between the sexes. There appears to be a time lag, with women arriving after the men and then surpassing their numbers. This is consistent with the practice and tradition of pechalbarstvo where the man goes out of his home country to earn money and if he finds the new land more congenial, rather than go back, he brings his family out. Question 9. IMMIGRATION/ SPONSORSHIP CATEGORIES
Question 10. REASON FOR EMIGRATION
More men than women (29 vs 18) responded that they migrated for economic reasons, wheras a similar opposite response was given between the sexes (16 vs 25) for family reunion. Question 11. RELIGION 98 of the respondents were of the Orthodox religion, and two registered other. Question 12. LEVEL OF EDUCATION
A large number of respondents (77 per cent) had only a few years of
primary schooling (usually up to grade 4) if at all. Only 10 per cent
of respondents had gone beyond the level of primary school. The implications
of this can be seen in the responses to the following questions 14-16.
It is interesting to note that although women generally had fewer years
of schooling, the only three respondents registering the highest level
of education were women. We cannot be certain of these respondents'
ages. With such a low level of education in their own language, it is obvious
that there are special communication needs which have to be considered.
Clearly the best method for reaching the Macedonian people is through
radio programs in their own language. These statistics for the Macedonian elderly are certainly typical of
practically the entire age group or generation. This fact can be easily
corroborated by anyone who is in contact with them on a regular basis.
The war years go a long way in explaining this situation together with
the rural or working class background of the respondents. Clearly a low level of education and literacy in one's own language has implications for the capacity to learn English (or the host language) in Australia. Question 13. UNDERSTANDING OF ENGLISH 13a UNDERSTANDING OF SPOKEN ENGLISH
13b SPEAK ENGLISH
Clearly, speaking and understanding spoken English is an area that respondents felt, on self assessment, that they did not fare well in. This response is fairly evenly spread between the sexes. 13c READ ENGLISH
In terms of literacy the results indicate even less competence in the host language. 13d WRITE ENGLISH
Question 14. EXPERIENCE DIFFICULTIES WITH ENGLISH? 14a DIFFICULTY READING INFORMATION IN ENGLISH
14b DIFFICULTY FILLING-OUT FORMS IN ENGLISH
14c DIFFICULTY LISTENING TO NEWS IN ENGLISH
14d DIFFICULTY READING NEWSPAPERS IN ENGLISH
14e DIFFICULTY HOLDING CONVERSATION IN ENGLISH
14f DIFFICULTY COMMUNICATING WITH DOCTOR IN ENGLISH
The least difficulty registered was with their treating doctors. It is interesting to note that there is a greater number who express that they don't have difficulty in communicating with their doctor. It is also evident from the above two tables that respondents felt more confident in face to face communication. Predicably, speaking and understanding English is minimal for 96 per
cent of the respondents. Non-competence in reading and writing English
was even higher at 98 per cent of the respondents. The obvious communication barrier here with the host culture does not need to be elaborated. It stresses the need for bilingual workers and professionals as well as qualified interpreters. Question 15. UNDERSTANDING OF MACEDONIAN 15a READ MACEDONIAN
15b WRITE MACEDONIAN
Question 16. UNDERSTANDING OF MACEDONIAN SCRIPT 16a READ/ WRITE IN ROMAN SCRIPT
Whilst 84 per cent could read Macedonian and 83 per cent could write
it, there were 16 per cent who had no literacy whatsoever - presumably
the 16 per cent who did not have any schooling. The use of Cyrillic script (used in standard Macedonian) was consistent
with the above whereas 47 per cent of the respondents could not read
Roman script and the remaining 53 per cent could. The level of competence that the respondents have in the Macedonian
language is not known. Given their level of education, one can assume
that official documents translated into Macedonian would need explanation.
The Macedonian language has only been codified since the beginning
of the post-war period (1946) when a literary standard was finally established.
This was a culmination of a long historical process which began in the
mid 19th century. The liberation from denationalization and assimilationist
policies in Vardar Macedonia (which became the Peoples or Socialist
Republic of Macedonia in 1944) enabled the development of a literary
standard for the language without opposition. Therefore for most of the respondents their native or mother tongue
which they would have used when young would have been a dialect of Macedonian
and the scant schooling they received would have been mostly in Serbian
or entirely in Serbian if they went to school before the Second World
War. It is also interesting to observe that of those who indicated the region
of Macedonia from which they came, 70 per cent would use a regional
dialect on which the literary standard was based (Bitola, Ohrid, Prilep,
Lerin) - that is, the central dialects. With the Macedonian elderly one can safely say that interpreters or bilingual professionals and workers need to be sensitive to dialectical language so that the aim would be to communicate effectively rather than speak a "correct" educated standard of the language. Obviously the same point can be made for English-speakers and the call for "plain English" in all Government documents (and "plain Macedonian" for those which have been translated into Macedonian) is not idle. Question 17. MARITAL STATUS
The response reflects the strongly felt cultural value of the institution of marriage. Question 18. DWELLING
Question 19. HOUSEHOLD/ LIVING ARRANGEMENTS
85 per cent of respondents lived with someone else, be it their spouse,
children or both. However, relatively speaking, more than twice as many
women (approximately 20 per cent) than men, lived alone. No doubt the fact that Macedonians are predominantly economic migrants,
and have a tradition of being self sufficient explains the high level
of home ownership. There is a tremendous pride in this type of achievement
and, culturally, renting accommodation is viewed as having failed to
achieve basic goals. Traditionally the Macedonian family has been a powerful tightly-knit unit which was the basis of life's purpose. It is the central value and one's misery or happiness is measured by how well the family fares. In Macedonia the traditional extended family living arrangements have been slowly undergoing change with the population moving more and more to the cities. However, the urbanization/ industrialization is nowhere near comparable to Melbourne. Indeed, the capital city of Macedonia, Skopje, has a population of some 500,000 only, and is a very compact city. Like the majority of first generation Macedonians in Australia, most of the respondents have a rural village background and therefore the move towards the nuclear family or the situation of living alone or with just a spouse in a large city would be quite traumatic or at any rate would require considerable adjustment. Question 20a. FEELING ISOLATED OR LONELY AT HOME
Half the respondents indicated they didn't feel isolated or lonely
at home. However a total of 50 per cent did, to varying degrees, feel
lonely. How can we reconcile this with the 85 per cent of respondents stating
they live with someone else in the home? Consistent with the response to the previous question, almost half
the female respondents felt isolated or lonely, twice as many as the
men. It is also interesting to note that far more men (15) than women
(1) responded in the "sometimes" category. Of the 50 per cent of respondents who did feel lonely at some time, the following question was asked. Question 20b. FEELING ISOLATED/ LONELY AT HOME AND INTERESTED IN A VISITING SERVICE
Almost two-thirds responded yes. It must be borne in mind that most
of the respondents are physically active and able members of the elderly
citizens' clubs. It would be interesting to find out how those who use
the Royal District Nursing Service spend their time and what quality
of life they have. Those responsible for access and advocacy of the Macedonian elderly will be inevitably concerned with the visiting service and will no doubt have to develop networks with volunteers and/ or community structures which alleviate the problem of elderly isolation and malaise. Question 21a. IF EXPERIENCING DIFFICULTIES WHO WOULD YOU TURN TO FOR HELP? (Tick as many as appropriate)
When asked who they would turn to for help when in difficulty more
than half of the respondents nominated their children. The availability
and knowledge of an ethno-specific welfare service for Macedonians totalled
as the next largest response. Most of the respondents nominated people
or a service where Macedonian is spoken. This again bears testimony to the very strong family bonds which are
created by Macedonians. The need for services where Macedonian is spoken cannot be emphasized enough. Question 22. DO YOU KNOW OF ANY SERVICES WHICH ASSIST THE ELDERLY? (Tick as many as appropriate)
It is interesting to note that the respondents identified more with the person in the position rather than the position's title. For example, only one-quarter of the respondents indicated that they were aware of the HACC and Grant-in-Aid workers, even though the workers filling these positions assisted with the completion of virtually every questionnaire and acted as a resource to all the elderly groups. It is likely that the elderly respond more readily to a known individual with whom they can identify (also refer to comments relating to question 36). Question 23. HOW DID YOU FIND OUT ABOUT THESE SERVICES?
Question 24. EVER USED SERVICES FOR THE ELDERLY? 24a MEALS ON WHEELS
24b HOME HELP
24g COUNCIL SOCIAL WORKER
24h GERIATRIC ASSESSMENT
Question 26. IF HELP NEEDED AT HOME WOULD YOU USE ANY COUNCIL SERVICES?
Seventy six per cent of the respondents had no knowledge whatsoever
about the various services assisting the elderly in the community. Twenty
four per cent know of something available. There is obviously a large proportion of Macedonian elderly who have
no knowledge of the availability of various forms of assistance. One
per cent knew that each of the following was available; Meals on Wheels,
Community Services, Respite Care, Social Security, Community Health
Centre. The implications of this are very serious: many Macedonian elderly
are totally alienated from mainstream social and community services.
This is consistent with no competence in English and a poor level of
education. It suggests a passivity and powerlessness which calls for
intense community education and development. No doubt the questionnaire
itself conducted in a personal interview with a bilingual professional
would have been an eye-opener for many of the respondents. With the exception of the Royal District Nursing Service and the Geriatric
(now Aged Care) Assessment Team (Health Department), all the above services
are provided by local council. There are complex issues here in terms of the reason given for low
use ("did not need the service"). Culturally such services
as Meals on Wheels for instance, if known about, may be perceived as
charity which implies failure in one's family life. Pride is an important
factor at work in a range of situations where the preferred ideal for
help - the children - is not forthcoming. This is a difficult area to
quantify, but many of these attitudes can be unearthed amongst the elderly
directly. In point of fact, quantified research is out of the question
in such areas as human beings cannot be programed to give dispassionate
and objective responses to matters which are so sensitive. On the basis
of what we know about the values of Macedonian culture, the pride of
family and the humiliation of accepting charity or help which is perceived
to imply personal failure and/ or weakness, it is not surprising that
many services are not used. Of course, when necessary, people do adapt,
in which case they need to be made aware of and to understand the nature
of the service. In answer to the question "would people use Council services if they were needed?", there was a positive response of 69 per cent. Yet in the light of the above discussion relating to cultural values/ perception, how and when would it be possible to make the assessment for need? Question 27a. ATTEND MEETINGS/ ACTIVITIES ORGANIZED BY MACEDONIAN COMMUNITY
Question 27b. TYPE AND FREQUENCY OF ACTIVITIES ATTENDED
Question 28. DO YOU ATTEND ANY OTHER ORGANIZATIONS OR ACTIVITIES?
Ninety one per cent of the respondents said that the only activities
or organizations that they visited were the Macedonian elderly group.
One would have to assume that the understanding of what constitutes
an organized formal activity by an elderly citizen group is what is
being responded to. One assumes that there are other social occasions
attended by the respondents such as weddings, christenings, etc or even
the Macedonian family get togethers arranged by village or regional
clubs such as balls or dances. However what does seem to emerge out of this response is the theme of social isolation and that the main or most important social event for these elderly is the get together with people of their own age group who speak their own language. Question 29. IF MACEDONIAN SERVICES WERE NOT PROVIDED IS THERE ANYWHERE ELSE YOU WOULD GO TO FOR HELP?
If there were no Macedonian services, 52 per cent said that there would be nowhere else to go and 27 per cent said that they did not know what they would do. Without the possibility of communicating in their own language, 79 per cent of the respondents believe themselves helpless. Question 30. USUAL MEANS OF TRANSPORT
Predominant means of transport is public transport followed by own car (for males) or as passengers (for females). Question 31. ABILITY TO CARRY OUT ACTIVITIES 31a SHOWER, BATHE AND DRESS
31b GETTING OUT OF THE HOUSE
31c USING PUBLIC TRANSPORT
31d DRIVING A CAR
31e GOING SHOPPING
31g COOKING
31h GARDENING
31i HOME REPAIRS
The statistics here are generally of a group of elderly who are still predominately independent and are able to function in their everyday life without experiencing difficulties. But as we said in the previous section, these are the fittest of the elderly. Nevertheless, there are signs that about 20 per cent of the group is experiencing difficulty in some areas of daily activities if left on their own. Question 32. WHEN YOU CAN'T MANAGE ON YOUR OWN WHAT WILL HAPPEN?
The greatest concern drawn from these figures is the largest number
of respondents (52 per cent) unsure of their future when they became
frail. Twenty eight per cent would stay at home with their family and
11 per cent would move to a Macedonian home for the aged (if one existed). Perhaps here we get a mixture of emotions, hopes, fears, doubts and wishes which are hard to sort out. The most significant and telling detail is the 40 per cent who are completely unsure of what would happen to them. It proves that there are no guarantees and certitude and points strongly towards the need for creating stronger support networks and structures for the elderly within the Macedonian community. Question 33. ARE YOU AWARE OF FRAIL ELDERLY PEOPLE LIVING ON THEIR OWN WHO ARE SICK OR NEED HELP?
It is worth noting that during the input of the data it was noticed that the figure could represent the same person and not actually 22 different people. We therefore cannot draw any conclusions from the above table. Question 34. IS THERE ENOUGH INFORMATION ABOUT SERVICES FOR THE ELDERLY?
Question 35. HAVE YOU SEEN LEAFLETS TRANSLATED INTO MACEDONIAN?
Question 36. IS THERE ANYTHING ELSE THAT YOU WISH TO ADD? The last question was designed to be open ended to give the respondent
the opportunity to give his or her thoughts on anything that may not
have been covered. Although the questionnaire was far from exhaustive, the project workers
choice of questions based on initial informal discussions with elderly
group members seem to have come across as comprehensive to the respondents.
This is drawn not only from the fact that only a quarter of the respondents
gave some sort of comment, but that nothing that was stated was new,
except for the comments on "equality" and "rights"
(see below). Various responses were given, a number of which were represented. A
summation of the answers will be given here in an attempt to encapsulate
the sentiments. The largest single response (10) was for the need to have Macedonian
speaking workers. This was indicated both in general and specifically,
such as in hospitals. This was qualified by some for the necessity for
longer term, if not permanent, positions. This was for the reason that
it takes time to get to know a worker to establish the basis of trust
and a rapport. New faces or an old worker in a new role proved frustrating
as adjustments had to be made on the part of the elderly. Alongside this need was the request for interpreters. As one respondent
elaborated, this was necessary for an informed decision to be made. Transport, especially for the frail, was sought for travel to and from
the elderly groups. A small number spoke of their right in terms of equality for all senior citizens (groups). A distinction was made between the 'ethnic' as opposed to the mainstream. A number questioned why they don't get the facilities (Senior Citizens Centres) and services (such as transport and the centre based Meals on Wheels service) as 'other' elderly groups do. Recommendations The findings of the research show that elderly Macedonians do not know
of and do not use mainstream services. These recommendations aim to
address these two issues. However it is difficult to target only specific
consumers such as the frail elderly because of isolation, language and
cultural barriers. The concept of a "continuum of care" should
be used to familiarize Macedonians with the range of community supports
available to the elderly. This concept will encourage and support the
use of ethnic elderly clubs as a way of reaching ethnic community networks
which would not normally approach Anglo-based services. Initially these
networks may be more focused on the agile elderly and be concerned with
social and recreational pursuits. However, introducing members to HACC
services at this stage would prepare them for use of the services as
they grow frailer. Dependant members of the community will learn of
the services through family networks. The following are specific recommendations: 1. Councils should market and promote their services to non-Anglo background
people through highly visible means such as outreach work at clubs and
other venues where the elderly may congregate and through using ethnic
organizations for consultation and assistance, in this instance with
the MCWAWR and the established Macedonian elderly clubs. 2. Due to the evident semi-literacy amongst the elderly, the sometimes
unsympathetic translations, and the choice of script used, it is clear
that translated material on its own is not an effective means of communication.
All government services and particularly local government and health
services should have more face-to-face contact with the elderly as this
has shown itself to be a most effective form of communication. This
personal contact should supplement the written information. This personal
contact should supplement the written information. 3. HACC services should recruit Macedonian speaking workers to assist
the elderly. 4. The introduction of a mainstream service to an ethnic group should
be seen as the first step. Use of the service should be monitored and
adjustments made to ensure the continued use of the services, such as
centre-based meals. 5. Service providers should collect data which records ethnicity, country
of birth and language spoken, to target those groups under-represented
in service statistics. 6. Service planners and providers should establish formal consultation
with the MCWAWR to plan and deliver services using the approach outlined
in the Protocols for the Establishment and Management of Ethnic Home
and Community Care Services in the Western Region contained in the Western
Region Ethnic HACC Project Report, Phase 1, May-December, 1992 by Betty
Haralambous. 7. The consultations should address the adaptation of mainstream services or the development of ethnic-based services to cater for friendly visiting of the isolated elderly, home-based care, and hostel/ nursing home options for the future. Appendix I Brief History of Macedonian Elderly Groups in the Western Region Footscray Macedonian Elderly Group Macedonian Senior Citizens Group of Altona North On 6 April 1989 a group of people gathered at the Migrant Resource
Centre (MRC) in Altona to discuss the possibility of starting up a Macedonian
elderly citizens group. Money was collected for membership that day
and the group has met every Thursday since in a small upstairs room
at the Altona MRC. The cramped conditions compelled the group to look for new premises
but none were suitable until the Altona North Senior Citizens Centre
(ANSCC) was built, with its official opening on 18 August 1991. After the initial period of becoming familiar with the new concept
and premises, the group began to regularly meet every Friday at the
ANSCC from late January 1992. The MSCAN still continues to meet at Altona MRC but their days have since changed to Wednesdays. Their current membership stands at 80. St Albans Macedonian Elderly Group The group is part of the St Albans Multicultural Elderly Group and meets at the above location which is auspiced by Sunshine Council. The group's membership in February 1993 stood at 70. Keilor Macedonian Elderly Group The group meets on Thursdays and currently has 40 members. Appendix II The origin of the Macedonian Community Welfare Association of the Western
Region Inc goes back to October 1983 when a constituent of the St Albans
area, Mr George Kostrevski, went to the Local Member of Parliament,
Mr George Seitz, to discuss the needs of the Macedonian community in
the locality. Mr Kostrevski explained that while the Macedonian immigrants had initially
settled in the inner western suburbs such as Footscray and Yarraville,
there was a clear indication that many were now buying their new homes
around the St Albans area. He expressed concern that due to language
difficulties and the lack of services in the area, many people had experienced
problems with settlement and isolation. The outcome of the meeting was the identified need to form a Macedonian
community group. Mr Kostrevski undertook this task with the assistance
of Mr Seitz and the Grant-in-Aid social worker at the St Albans Community
Health and Resource Centre. Until 1990 the only funding the organization had received was from
the (then) Victorian Ethnic Affairs Commission (VEAC) under the Organizational
Support category. With this sole source of funding the organization nevertheless gave
support, financial and otherwise, to start the second Macedonian elderly
group in the region, which still meets at the Scout Hall in Percy Street,
St Albans (see Appendix I). They also gave support to the newly formed Macedonian Cultural Artistic
Association "Jane Sandanski" which is now the largest youth
dancing folk group in Victoria with 300 members. The Sydenham Park Macedonian Juniors Soccer Club was formed in 1985
under the umbrella of the MCWAWR. The MCWAWR had also supported a submission as far back as 1985 for
a Macedonian Community Worker from the Department of Immigration and
Ethnic Affairs but did not see its efforts rewarded until 1990, when
the Footscray Migrant Resource Centre secured funding for a Macedonian
speaking position under the three-year Grant-in-Aid program. In early 1991, under the Community Support and Development Program
from CSV, the MCWAWR was awarded funding to research and develop what
became the Bilingual Directory of Macedonian Speaking Service Providers
in the Western Suburbs. Earlier in the same year the organization gave financial support to
help establish the Keilor Macedonian Elderly Group (see Appendix I). 1992 proved to be most fruitful for the MCWAWR, as funding was received
for a worker for the first time. The Macedonian Elderly Support and
Research Worker was funded by CSV for six months initially under the
HACC program, with some further small funding granted to extend the
project. Without this funding this report would not have been possible.
In 1993 the MCWAWR was awarded funding from H&CS under the same
program to address some of the findings of this report. Also in 1992 another position was funded for six months by the Ministry
of Consumer Affairs (now the Office of Fair Trading) under the Ethnic
Tenancy Community Education Project. In addition the MCWAWR has conducted forums in some secondary colleges
in the western region from funding received last year from the Health
Department Victoria (now H&CS) for AIDS Education in Ethnic Communities
under the Small Grants Program. Lastly, a small amount of funding was secured from the Office of Ethnic
Affairs (formerly VEAC) under the Capital Grants Program which has provided
the organization with some necessary office equipment. With the funds received to date, the MCWAWR has endeavoured to meet the needs of the Macedonian community in the western region of Melbourne. Future available funding will be sought to continue its important work.
Works referred to (in order). 1. Home and Community Care (HACC) Program Report, Ministerial Reference
Group on HACC Ethnic Services, Victoria, May 1991. 2. National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia, Sharing Our Future,
Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, July 1989. 3. Radin M and Popov C, Chapter on The Macedonian Orthodox Church:
Its Role in the Moulding and Maintenance of Ethnic Identity in Australia,
in Religion and Ethnic Identity, Vol 3, edited Abe (I) Wade Ata, pp31-52,
Spectrum, 1989. 4. Kalantzis M, Cope B, Slade D, The Language Question: The Maintenance
of Language Other than English, Vol I, Canberra Publishing and Printing,
1986. 5. Today Denes newspaper, 23 March 1993, p12. 6. The Macedonian Speaking Community in Queanbeyan (NSW) and Canberra
(ACT): A Demographic and Attitudinal Survey, Canberra Regional Office,
1984. 7. Chapman M, The Health Promotion Needs of the Arabic Speaking and
Macedonian Communities of the St George District, St George Health Promotion
Unit, Sydney, August 1989. 8. Karoski S, Macedonians in Sydney: Community Profile Report, Macedonian
Australian Welfare Association of NSW, 1983. 9. Christie C: 10. A Comparative Study of Ethnic Communities in Sunshine and Keilor, Migrant Resource Centre North West Region Inc, 1992, pp42-46.
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