|
|
||||
|
|
||||
|
|
||||
|
|
|
Macedonian Agenda Assimilation And The Public And Private Identity Of Macedonians: A Dialectical ExposeBy Pandora Petrovska This paper is based on a 1991 Masters Preliminary Thesis Synopsis. Synopsis Social scientists have explored the phenomenon of assimilation and
ethnic change in relation to the migration experience. The thrust
of this In this paper I will discuss the effects of assimilation on the
individual. The thesis is based on the theoretical analysis of a case
study which exemplifies the pre and post migration experiences of
a Macedonian family from a village in Aegean Macedonia who migrated
to Australia after World War Two to escape the political turmoil in
their homeland. Based on the lives of two brothers and their families,
the case study reveals a split between the brothers in terms of their
ethnic self-identification once in Australia. One identified as Macedonian,
the other as "Greek" Macedonian. Along with an examination
of the socio-psychological consequences of the political partitioning
of Macedonia on the individual, a discussion of ethnic self-identification
and an analysis of processes which bring about ethnic change are presented. Fear induced by political, linguistic and cultural subjugation and
the psychological effects of assimilation and differentiation are
examined in relation to the case study material as well as the Marx/
Hegelian theory of dialectics (Dupre 1983, Jackson 1971, Bologh 1979).
Dialectical theorizing will be used to interpret the psychological
effect of socio-political phenomenon on the individual, in order to
objectively examine the contradiction which is revealed in the case
study, in terms of two brothers born in the same national group but
who later adopt different forms of self-identification. The case study is the focal point in examining the socio-psychological
effect of the assimilatory policies in Aegean Macedonia, which were
aimed against ethnic diversity and were designed specifically for
the creation of a Greek ethnic identity for peoples who did not automatically
self-identify as Greeks. This has led to the process of differentiation
or split in terms of ethnic self-identification, namely the emergence
of Greek Macedonian labelling in Australia. Those who take on an externally
appropriate alternative ethnic identity are showing some outward signs
of assimilation into the dominant society or culture. However, in
the case ofthis Macedonian family, this process cannot be considered
on face value only, because a duality of self-identification is also
present and is used when situationally relevant. This is exemplified
in the case study and it is this concept of "public" and
"private" identity that will be examined. Dialectic methodology reveals the way in which human made phenomena
such as denationalization policies have been internalized and 1. Introduction The negation of Macedonian ethnospecificity is a reality experienced by Macedonians all over the world. When one's national identity is constantly being challenged as a result of the denationalization process, one's very existence is also being challenged and is problematic for the individual and the nation as a whole. The purpose of this paper is to uncover why and how this is taking place in the Macedonian context. * Why is the use of Macedonian as a marker of ethnic self-identification
problematic? * Why is Macedonian identity challenged on a micro (individual)
level and a macro (political) level? * What happens to the individual whose Macedonian identity is negated? These are just some of the issues what will emerge in the context
of The term "multi-statal nation" used by Van Den Berghe (1981:
62) to define divided peoples like the Kurds and Armenians can also
be used to define the Macedonian people. Macedonia has existed within
the present political borders of the Republic of Macedonia, Greece,
Bulgaria and Albania since its political partition in 1913 and the
Treaty of Bucharest. However, it is only within the Republic of Macedonia
that the Macedonian people have been free to develop as an ethnospecific
nation with a recognized official language, education system, literature
and socio-political life. Macedonians in the other sections do not
have national minority status and have been subject to systematic
denationalization. In terms of the development of a national 'psyche', the first multi-party
democratic elections held in the Macedonian Republic in 1990 and the
subsequent establishment of an independent Macedonian Parliament has
been a turning point for the Macedonian people all over the world.
For the first time in the history of their national development, Macedonians
are able to define the parameters of their national existence and
further develop a "public" political culture, which has
been somewhat limited in the past. The desire to exist as a sovereign
state has been highlighted in the September 1991 Referendum when there
was a unanimous vote for sovereignty. In fact the political instability
in former Yugoslavia and the Balkans has far-reaching implications
for Macedonians in the Republic of Macedonia, for those who live as
ethnic minorities within Greece, Bulgaria and Albania, as well as
for the Macedonian emigre communities in Europe and Western capitalist
countries such as Australia, USA and Canada. On the macro level of international politics the use of the name
Macedonia is still problematic, with pressure applied by the Greek
Government on the European Union and others not to recognize the sovereignty
of a state called Macedonia. The expression of the Macedonian ethnicity
in the divided sections was restricted because of the fear of territorial
claims being made and the emergence of a unified Macedonian nation.
The colonizing countries fear losing their portion of Macedonia which
provides agricultural wealth, and in the case of Greece a sea port
on the Aegean Sea. Hence, the resistance to the sovereignty of Macedonia. It has become evident that Macedonians in all sections of partitioned
Macedonia have been vocal in seeking very basic human rights in the
form of freedom of thought, religious, cultural and linguistic expression,
freedom of movement and repatriation and freedom to an education in
their mother tongue. This has been motivated by their common identity. The Macedonian people are recognized as a separate ethnic group or
nation (depending on whether reference is being made to Macedonians
as a minority or national group) by the United Nations, world organizations
such as the European Community Council and the European Parliament,
as well as by the governments oflarge emigre communities in Australia,
Canada and America. In the Australian context, the recognition of Macedonian ethnospecificity
has been supported in terms of government funding for Macedonian language
programs within State education systems, funding for bilingual community,
social and medical workers and for the translation of government documents
and community information into the Macedonian language. However, confusion
is created when the Macedonian community are inaccurately classified
and labelled as Greek Macedonian or Yugoslav Macedonian by some government
departments: for example, the Victorian Ministry of Education Scope
Survey 1990 which made use of the above-mentioned labels in relation
to language spoken at home. These categories have also been used to
classify statistical information about the ethnic composition ofVictorian
State Government schools in terms of birthplace and fail to give a
homogenous view of the Macedonian community. Rather, they tend to
perpetuate the geo-political division. This is evidence of confusion
regarding the defini- tion of the Macedonian people based on geographic
identification as opposed to national identification. There is also
a problem with the meaning of'nation'. Limited scholarly works exist about the Macedonian people as a nation
since its partition and the attempted assimilation by dominant groups
within their homeland. The problematic for Macedonians is that they
exist as divided minorities rather than a consolidated nation state.
In the socio-political colonization by the dominant groups, the process
of further development has not occurred systematically and there has
not been sufficient "development or public presentation of a
self conscious ethnic group" within the divided parts. Macedonians
experience negation by the dominant groups if they self-identify as
Macedonians and so a "public" political cultural identity
is under-developed due to suppression in their homeland. It demonstrates
a particular type of "power relationship" between the Macedonian
minority groups and the colonizers, in whose interest it was to suppress
the Macedonian nation. The sociological concepts I wish to explore in this paper are those
of ethnic and national identity. The purpose of this sort of research
is not only to draw connections between nationality and ethnicity
as defined by geographical borders and common peoplehood but also
individual identification as defined by geographical and political
borders and common kinship. Moreover, I wish to examine the social
consequences of the political partitioning of Macedonia after the
Balkan Wars of 1912-1913. With reference to ethnicity survival and
or change, I will explore in what way the identity of Macedonians
in Greece has survived, despite the deliberate policies and strategies
opposing ethnic diversity and pluralism which were incorporated in
the Hellenization process after the partitioning of Macedonia. The
case study provides us with concrete evidence of the above process
and a humanistic view of the social reality and human consequence
of political division. When an individual's self-identification is challenged, he/ she must
make choices as to how to consolidate the power relationship with
the dominant group. On the one hand the individual may become "ethnically
aggressive", maintain and develop his/ her culture and continue
to self-identify as Macedonian. On the other hand, the individual
may maintain the status quo, accept the superiority and domination
of the majority group, assimilate accordingly, and adopt an acceptable
form of ethnic self-identification, such as a Hellenized version of
their identity. The significance of the word "nash" (literally "us")
is important in understanding how Macedonians have been defining themselves
for generations, regardless of the labels and "public" definitions
that have been given to them by the states dominating their homeland.
For Macedonians their "private" self-identification has
always been Macedonian and the pronoun 'us' may be used to reinforce
this when Macedonians interact with one another regardless from which
section of their divided homeland they come from. The following theoretical considerations and definitions will be
examined in this paper. Most significant is the concept of dialectics
which was a method originally used by Socrates to discuss different
points of view. The adaptation of this concept by Hegel and then Marx
is presented as a different problematic by both writers: the former
seeing it as purely theoretical in terms of human thought and the
interplay between thesis and antithesis to form a synthesis; whereas
the latter applied it to the practical, namely materialism and the
interplay between people and the mode of production. For us the problematic
as presented in the case study is in the form of a contradictory interplay
between individual ethnic self-identification and the forces of assimilation
and definition according to geo-political borders. The theory of dialectics will be used to develop a theoretical framework
to objectively examine abstract and subjective phenomenon, such as
ethnic identity, which is both "intra-psychic" and "social"
in character. Dialectics is a way of examining and understanding the
corn plexities and contradictions inherent in the case study and the
phenomenon of ethnic change. Complex abstract elements such as identity
are simplified and the fundamentals which comprise them are isolated.
Dialectics, as a mode of analytical theorizing, illuminates the contradictions
and the inter-relatedness of such phenomena, particularly the misinterpretation
of the duality of identity presented in the case study. Because of
the inherent contradiction, I found it necessary to simplify the components
of the dual identity, in order to facilitate a greater understanding
of the issues which have been used to politically negate the ethnospecificity
of the Macedonians. Whilst social theory gives us some insight into
public and private identity, dialectical reasoning enables us to delve
deeper into this process of dual self-identification. The concept of ethnic identity is central to this paper and has been
presented by sociologists in the following ways. Van Den Berghe sees
the "evolutionary origins of ethnicity as an extended kin group"
and he concludes that ethnicity in humans "is not in principle
different from the phenomenon of boundary maintenance between animal
societies" (Van Den Berghe 1981: 27). He also states that "ethnic
solidarity is an extension of kin based solidarity." However,
while ethnicity cannot be manufactured it can be manipulated (V an
Den Berghe 1981: 27). This is of particular relevance to this study
in relation to assimilation and ethnic change, as is Edwards' analysis
of this concept which concludes that "Ethnic identity is allegiance
to a group large or small, socially dominant or subordinate with which
one has ancestral links ... some sense of group boundary must persist,
this can be sustained by shared objective characteristics (language,
religion)" (Edwards 1985: 10). For the Macedonians, regardless
of political division and emigration, a very strong sense of group
allegiance still exists particularly on a "private" level,
in terms of language and group boundary but also on an international
level which is exemplified in the Human Rights Movement. Weaver's concept of ethnicity includes a discussion ofboth "public"
and "private" ethnicity as applied to minority groups and
nation states (Weaver 1984: 184). The concept of private and public
ethnicity in terms of defming the parameters of the Macedonian nation
is the fundamental thread in understanding the dialectic of the identity
crisis as revealed in the case study, resultant from deliberate assimilation
policies in the Macedonian homeland. The parallels with Weaver's analysis
of Australian and Canadian Aborigines are very valid especially in
relation to the ethnic definition and separation of the Macedonian
people. The main link with the Macedonian situation is in terms of"power
relations" and the majority's domination of the minority and
the defining process. In other words, non-Macedonians have had the
"power" to define who Macedonians are, in the similar way
that Canada and Australia have been defining who constitutes the Aborigine
or native population. Further to the maintenance of ethnic separation,
Devos maintains that this depends on the people outside the group,
the group itself and the individual's definition of him/ herself(Devos
1975: 30). It is this defining process which is the centre of the
problematic in the analysis of the Macedonian people, because they
fall under four different defining processes as a result of the political
division of their homeland and have not had the same opportunities
to define their own parameters as a nation in a "public"
political sense. As a result some have adopted separate public and
private identities. The process of assimilation is many faceted and can take place in
a number of ways depending on the social context. I believe that there
is significant difference between assimilation or acculturation in
the migration process and the deliberate assimilation of minorities
as a result of colonization. The latter is more aggressive and further
complicated by the political component and fear of the dominant group.
The form particularly relevant to this study is known as "incorporation"
and occurs when one group merges into another group and loses its
identity in the process. This has been the aim of Greek government
policies opposing ethnic diversity and promoting "Greek nationality
and national unity" in the latter part ofthis century (Trudgill
and Tzavaras 1977: 172). The phenomenon of dual identity and lifestyle is by no means uncommon
in emigre communities where immigrants "pass" or become
absorbed into the dominant culture and public life, whilst still retaining
their original culture and lifestyle at home (Leman 1984, Roosens
1989). In the colonizing context, the minority group often experiences
a more aggressive form of assimilation and the duality of self-identification
becomes a necessity for survival. Fear plays a very important role
in the assimilation process as well as the psychological internalization
of the minority group's negative self-perception. Pauwel's 1983 study
of the South American Indians highlights the characteristics of ethnic
change in the colonization process as being: changes of self-identification,
adoption of Spanish names, claiming to be monolingual in Spanish and
denying bilingualism on census data. In fact, the "residents
of Turco appeared to be doing everything possible to forget their
ethnic identity" (Roosens 1989: 109) in order to overcome their
sense of backwardness and inferiority. This internalization of a negative
self-image is central to oppression culture (Freire 1972). These characteristics
are also present in the Macedonian example, although taking a slightly
different form because ofthe political division. On a psychological level, Tajfel categorizes four main types of assimilation,
of which "illegitimate" assimilation (Tajfel Report 38:
14) is relevant as it presents considerable "difficulties for
the assimilating individual in that they are not fully accepted by
the majority." Furthermore, this also leads to "an identification
with the new group and a rejection of the old" (Tajfel: 14-15).
This group rejection and "hyperconformity" occurs in an
attempt to gain acceptance. Tajfel concludes that one of the well
known effects is leaning over backwards in the acceptance of the majority's
derogatory views about the minority (Tajfel: 15). In the Macedonian
· context, this can be seen in the adoption of a dual identity
as deemed necessary and an acceptance of misinformation about the
Macedonian people without any conscious realization that one can define
oneself and does not have to rely on definitions presented by others. Furthermore, I hold that dual identification is the beginning of
a process known as "differentiation" where definite division
begins to take place and one group divides into two or more components
(Horwitz 1981: 116). Giles explains this phenomenon as occurring as
a result of "the perceived threat experienced by a social identity,
associated with a racist culture ... and psychological differentiation"
(Giles 1977: 234). Others point to a variety of possible adaptations. In the case study to be presented, there is evidence that the action
of one of the brothers clearly indicates the process of "leaning
over backwards" in an attempt to be accepted by the dominant
social group, to ensure that their children will not suffer the same
psychological alienation that they have. By self-identifying as Greek
Macedonian instead of Macedonian, the psychological effects of the
denationalization policies emerge as a split or differentiation between
brothers born into the same kingroup. However, the dialectic which
is also present is that the differentiating brother also retains his
Macedonian self-identification in private settings. The duality ofidentity
and public and private self-identification reflects the internalization
of the oppression and the negation of the existence of the Macedonian
people. Clarifying the duality is the purpose of this paper. 2. Historical Overview Macedonia is the mirror of the oldest melting pot in the history
of Europe, the ethnographic synthesis of the Balkan peninsula of today
(Nirugiani 1967: 23) During Ottoman rule, the Macedonians remained illiterate peasants
who were unable to break out of feudal oppression. In the latter part
of the 19th century, Greece and Bulgaria, and later Serbia, had a
powerful influence over the church and education system. Subjecting
the Macedonian population to this type of tripartite influence plus
feudalistic practices imposed by the Ottomans were effective mechanisms
for controlling the development of Macedonian insurgence against Ottoman
rule. In fact, it has been claimed that the Macedonians escaped the
Hellenization process "by remaining illiterate" and as a
result of this retaining their language and customs (Friedman 1975:
86). At the turn of the century the "Macedonian Question" was
a very important political power question as Macedonia lay on the
gateway to the East and was an important consideration to the Russian
and AustroHungarian as well as the British and French Empires. Moreover,
weakening Turkish rule in the later part of the 19th century signalled
territorial considerations by Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia. With developing
Macedonian national consciousness or to use the Freirian term "conscientization"
during the 19th century, there is evidence of an understanding of
the socio-economic and political processes in the "empowerment
model" by the emerging middle class in the towns (as opposed
to the villages) who had access to education, albeit in another language.
"A major and far-reaching result of educating young people from
Macedonia was that enlightenment often bred dissatisfaction and frustration
with the political, social and economic status quo" (Perry 1988:
28). The Macedonian writers of the time clearly reflect and have documented
the complex socio-political situation at the turn of the century.
One such example is intellectual, sociolinguist and teacher Krste
Petkov-Misirkov who wrote: "Three nations struggling against one another in our country
to force us to accept their religion and national propaganda. All
three are battling against us and our interests hoping to deal us
a mortal blow by taking church and school in their own hands ... stifling
our national consciousness." (Misirkov 1903, 1974: 195). The main historical event which consolidated the evolving Macedonian
national consciousness occurred about the same time that Misirkov
wrote his expository socio-political account of the time, On Macedonian
Matters, in 1903. The unsuccessful Iliiiden Uprising occurred on 2nd
August, 1903 when the VMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization)
undertook an insurrection against Turkish domination as a result of
"restlessness and dissatisfaction", fed by a steady stream
of students, graduates and teachers into revolutionary circles and
later into guerrilla bands (Perry 1988: 30). Although unsuccessful
and premature due to heavy Bulgarian influence, the failed uprising
is a concrete example of Macedonian 'conscientization' and for 10
days the first Macedonian Republic in Krushevo was formed until a
crushing defeat by Turkish forces. This event, St Elijah's Day, is
celebrated as Macedonian National Day in the Republic ofMacedonia
as well as emigre communities the world over.lt is also celebrated
in Aegean and Pirin Macedonia but in a more subdued manner. Although
shortlived it exemplifies the existence of an ethnospecific Macedonian
nation and the difficulty of national development in the context of
feudal · domination. As survival and the protection of "one's
land and family" (Perry 1988: 21) were the basic pre-occupation
of peasant society, the failed Ilinden Uprising exemplifies the extent
ofhardship experienced by the Macedonian peasantry lead by their intelligentsia
in trying to achieve "political legitimacy". In the years that followed Ilinden, pre and post the division days
of 1912-13, there is primary source material in the form of letters
sent to British and European powers arguing for Macedonian autonomy
and gaining the support of politicians and statesmen in influential
political spheres. For example, there was the Memorandum on the Independence
of Macedonia submitted by the Macedonian Colony in St Petersburg to
the conference of the representatives of the great powers in London
(1st March, 1913) and a Memorandum of the Macedonians to the Russian
Government in August, 1914. Further, the active Macedonian Scholarly
and Literary Society in St Petersburg sent open letters, and published
articles in Russian and other newspapers. Of particular significance
are writings by Dimitria Chupovski and Krste Misirkov in terms of
demanding an autonomous Macedonia. As late as 1918 there were declarations
presented by the Macedonian Liberation Movement demanding an autonomous
settlement of the Macedonian Question, as well as further protests
from the Provisional Representatives Office of the Internal Macedonian
Revolutionary Organization to the Paris Peace Conference lOth April,
1919. (Documents Vol11985: 655) It is important to understand these facts as they are crucial in
the conceptual understanding of the development and to a point the
latent development of the Macedonian nation. Clearly, Macedonian ethnospecificity
was ignored by the world powers, particularly the development of an
autonomous Macedonian State. Although specific reference was made
in the Bucharest Treaty to the protection of the minorities in the
divided parts, the territorial division meant that the notion of Macedonian
ethnospecificity was further suppressed and distorted by systematic
assimilation programs in all divided territories. This, coupled with the population exchanges set about in the Neuilly-sur-Seine
Agreement between Greece, Bulgaria and Turkey in 1919 meant there
was quite an extensive Macedonian population exodus from Aegean Macedonia. The effect was catastrophic in changing the ethnographic make up
of the region which was predominantly Macedonian Christian before
the division. Considerable discussion is revealed in the Minutes of
the Committee for the New States and the Protection of Minorities
at the Paris Peace Conference July - November 1919. Article five of
the Neuilly Convention between Greece and Bulgaria refers to a specific
form of social engineering in the population exchange program: "Emigrants will lose the nationality of the country ... from
the moment of their departure, and will acquire that of the country
to which they go as from the time of their arrival in its territory."
(Documents 1985: 676 Greece/ Bulgaria Emigration of Minorities, Neuilly,
27th November, 1919.) This historical event needs to be fully understood as it had a direct
impact on the life of the case study family in terms of land acquisition
and later land dispossession. The supposed "voluntary" population
ex- changes between Greece and Bulgaria in the Conventions ofNeuilly
and between Turkey and Greece in the Lausanne Convention were adopted
in an attempt to achieve ethnic homogeneity in the participating countries
and to overcome the "problems of minorities". An official
attempt was also made to regulate the liquidation of properties and
indemnification of emigrants (Ladas 1932: 720). In September 1920,
the League of Nations set up a Commission "to supervise and to
facilitate the emigration and the compensation of the estates of the
emigrants" (Simovski 1978: 462). However, the property Commission
failed dismally, indemnification of properties was inefficient and
there were many far reaching problems associated with the procedure
as given in the following example of the case study family. The initial Greco-Bulgarian emigration was not a total success as
"more than one third" of the Macedonian population remained
in their homeland. Ladas claims that "96,000 of the Bulgarian
Minority in Greece emigrated to Bulgaria" (Ladas 1932: 721)1.
Simovski on the other hand outlines the abhorrent conditions these
Macedonian refugees suffered upon arrival in Bulgaria where no adequate
provision was made for their settlement. "65 per cent of refugees"
died in a two year period in the region of Bourgas (from Internationale
de La Croix Rouge, VII No 83, November 25 in Simovski 1978: 464).
Furthermore the Macedonian minority living in Aegean Macedonia were
forced to emigrate because they were terrorized and provoked by the
Greek authorities (Simovski 1978: 463). Although claimed to be "voluntary
in theory" the emigration became "to a greater extent compulsory"
(Ladas 1932: 721). The dispossession ofland as experienced by the
case study family was clearly one of those provocations aimed at expelling
Macedonians who did not automatically align themselves with the Greek
regime in their homeland. In relation to the population exchanges between Greece and Turkey,
Simovski's statistical analysis shows that initially, as a result
of the Convention of Lausanne, 640,000 refugee settlers migrated to
Aegean Macedonia with an exit of 300,000 Turks and other Moslems,
including some 40,000 Macedonians (Simovski 1978: 462). However, whilst
denominationally Christian, the refugees coming into Macedonia from
Asia Minor and Thrace (referred to as "prosfigi" by the
Macedonian population) spoke the Turkish language of these regions.
So even though these refugees are claimed to have been "Greeks"
(Ladas 1932), they in fact spoke other languages which meant that
they too had to be "Hellenized" if ethnic homogeneity was
to be achieved. The settlement of the refugees occurred predominantly
in Aegean Macedonia. This is well documented in Simovski's extensive
ethnographic examination of Aegean Macedonia, The Inhabited Places
of Aegean Macedonia (1978), and is clearly shown in the map extract
of an ethnographic map, "annexed to the publication ofthe League
of Nations on the settlement of refugees" in Geneva 1926 (Ladas
1932: 701 - see Appendix 1). Sociolinguistically speaking, Popov and
Radin estimate that the Macedonian language as a "langue usuelle"
(most commonly used language) "out of a total population of 1,052,227
inhabitants" was spoken by 805,000 Macedonian and non-Macedonian
inhabitants prior to 1913. By 1928 however, the effect of the population
exchanges and government policy of monoculturalism meant that "1,200,000
persons out of a total population of 1,412,4 77 used the Greek language
which was then the 'langue officielle' " (Popov and Radin 1989:
15). In the years following these Conventions for population exchanges,
there is evidence that the existence of a Macedonian speaking minority
in Greece was recognized by the Government. Specific Government attempts
were made in the writing of the primer ABECEDAR in the Macedonian
language. In 1926 the primer, which was compiled by Greek linguists
in the Latin script, was published and designed specifically for used
in primary schools in Aegean Macedonia. This never eventuated. Whilst
copies of the primer existed it was never used in mother-tongue maintenance
programs for the Macedonian minority in Greece. The exercise could
be interpreted as an attempt "to make a good impression on the
members of the League of Nations whose sympathy was needed if Greece
was to be awarded an international loan and successfully resettle
a large number of refugees from Asia Minor, who entered Greece after
the Treaty of Lausanne was signed by Greece and Turkey in 1923"
(Andonovski in Popov and Radin 1989: 112). During the same period other policies for the denationalization of
the Macedonian people were aimed specifically at the elimination of
Macedonian names and language. This is documented as occurring in
late 1926 when a new law was passed to Hellenize all place, village,
city, river and mountain names in the Macedonian language (Andonovski
1969: 71). Names were targeted as they are the simplest and most obvious
symbol of identity, also "a person's own name in some way establishes
the fact of his existence" (Glazer and Moynihan 1981: 50). As
well as the forced Hellenization of people's family names, Macedonian
inscriptions in churches and graveyards were also removed. The policies of denationalization continued in the partitioned regions
until the end of the Second World War when the Socialist Republic
of Macedonia was established within the Socialist Yugoslav Federation.
Whilst Macedonians in the Republic now received some scope and freedom
to develop as a nation, Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia were caught
up in the Greek Civil War from 1946 to 1949. During the period of the Second World War Macedonians in Greece had
formed anti-fascist fighting battalions and organizations which worked
in cooperation with Macedonian forces and battalions across the Greek-Yugoslav
border. Some of these organizations included MAO (Macedonian anti-fascist
organization) formed in Voden 1942 and NOF (Macedonian Liberation
Front) which was formed in 1945. These organizations did not always
see eye to eye with the Greek ELAS (Liberation Army) and later Democratic
Army, given the problematic Macedonian desire for autonomy, but it
cannot be disputed that Macedonians were recruited in particular columns
in the aforementioned armies (Andreevski 1989). During the Greek Civil War 87 Macedonian schools were formed in Aegean
Macedonia as well as Macedonian newspapers and organizations. It was
hoped that some type of national liberation would be achieved with
the help of the Communist party, which recognized Macedonian ethnospecificity
to a point. The Greek Civil War was not "merely the continuation of the
struggle for power that had been started by the communists in the
resistance movement ... in World War Two" (O'Ballance 1966: 19),
but it also exemplified the "spheres of influence" mentality
and tactics perpetuated by British and American interference in post
World War Two European politics and the onset of the "Cold War"
between Russia and the West. In America's desire to assist the Greek
National Army to "withstand the communist pressures", the
Truman Doctrine in 194 7 authorized $300 million of aid to Greece
(O'Ballance 1966: 141) in the form of clothes, rations, agricultural
and industrial rehabilitation, as well as "some 74,000 tons of
military equipment" in the latter months of the same year (O'Ballance
1966: 153). As the Civil War dragged on and the better equipped and
stronger Greek National Army could not defeat the Communist guerillas
of the Democratic Army, the most effective countermeasures promoted
by the Americans was the "systematic removal of whole sections
of the population" (O'Ballance 1966: 214). This tactic had a
defmite impact on the ethnographic makeup of the region and there
was a definite exodus of Macedonians from their homeland, as it was
systematically destroyed and their villages razed to the ground. Those
villages which had refugee settlers were spared, those with predominantly
Macedonian population like D'mbeni and Bufwere razed to the ground.
It was during this period that the mountain village of the case study
family was destroyed. This corresponds with the arrival of the case
study family in Australia. Before the extensive post World War Two migration, Macedonian men
"pechalbari" (itinerant workers) came to Australia as migrant
workers in the early part of this century. After the 1920s "a
much greater number came from the villages in the mountain area of
Bitola, Florina (Lerin) and Kastoria (Kostur)" most settling
as market gardeners, small-scale farmers, timber cutters and eucalyptus-burners
or as unskilled labourers in the larger cities (Price 1963: 321),
thus starting the chain migration from their villages as described
in the case study. Price outlines that Macedonians from Yugoslavia
and Greece maintained similar settlement patterns once in Australia
and these were quite different from the settlement patterns of Greeks
from southern and island Greece (Price 1963: 322). This is directly
related to their common Macedonian identity and way of life in the
homeland. 3. Case Study The following case study demonstrates on a micro level or personal and familial level the effect of the political division of Macedonia. It demonstrates the effects of the population exchanges on the ordinary Macedonian village, exemplifies Greek assimilationist policies and the way in which political socialization was internalized and reproduced in Australia. It also provides us with some insight as to why and how Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia came to migrate to Australia. The Research The research investigates the motivations, experiences and constraints
of a Macedonian family from Aegean Macedonia in their pre and post
migration experience to Australia focusing on the maintenance of their
Macedonian identity, and addresses the following questions. Why the
suppression of Macedonians in their homeland? What form did that suppression
take? What have been the effects of the assimilation process on the
case study family? What have been the consequences for Macedonian
ethnic identity? Purpose of Research The purpose of the research was to gain some humanistic insight into
the effects of political events and deliberate assimilation policies
on the Objectives 1. To undertake one of the first in-depth research projects on the
public and private identity of the Macedonian people, concentrating
on Macedonians who have been socialized outside the Republic of Macedonia
in a non-Macedonian context, in order to clarify the misinformation
often presented that Macedonians from those regions are not an ethnospecific
group. 2. To provide a basis for further investigation into Macedonians
from the other sections of their divided homeland. Aims To provide information about the Macedonian people which can be used by educators and government departments. To encourage further research into the importance of understanding and establishing the "defining process" for the Macedonian people. (This in the past has been left in the hands of others.) To inspire Macedonians to embrace the Freirian "conscientization" model and gain the self-confidence to define themselves instead of being constrained by imposed definitions and fear. Methodology The information presented in the following case study was collected
by interviewing some of the surviving family of two Macedonian brothers,
Vane and Mito Spanovski*. (*All
personal names and some place names and dates have been changed to
protect privacy.)
The case study family is part of an extended family currently
living in Melbourne. I interviewed Vane's daughter (aged 59) on numerous
occasions and had two sessions with her first cousin and aunt (Mito's
family). Taping the interviews with the first cousin (aged 67) and aunt (aged
88) was ruled out and the interviews were undertaken in a very informal
way because of the reluctance of some family members to even talk
about their past. I sensed their uneasiness, even when I wanted to
take notes. I believe this to be indicative of the fear that they
harbour. The use of written questionnaire type research was inappropriate
because the family is functionally illiterate in Macedonian and has
only very limited literacy in English and Greek. Fania, the daughter of the older brother Vane, was more than willing
to discuss her childhood and recount her family experiences to me
without fear. She was in fact instrumental in helping me gain access
to her cousin and aunt. I sensed that the process of recounting her
family history actually enabled her to put many issues into perspective
and in some ways was very positive for her. It was her pain in handling
the split that occurred in her extended family that inspired me to
analyze the processes which occur as part of denationalization. Results of Interviews The Macedonian family in this case study originated from the mountain
village of Rakovo* (or Krateron, the Hellenized name) which is said
to have always been inhabited by Macedonians. (*See
footnote above re changes of names to protect privacy.)
Situated on the Greek Macedonian border it is approximately 1,000
metres above sea level and some 20 kilometres north west of the city
of Lerin. During the mid 1920s after the population exchanges agreed upon in
the Lausanne Convention, the family had an opportunity to purchase
prime land at the foot of a nearby mountain as a result of the resettlement
of the predominantly Muslim Turkish population in and around the village
ofGorna Kleshtina. The Muslim villagers ofGorna Kleshtina sold their
property to neighbouring Macedonians from the surrounding villages
and/ or had their land re-occupied by the incoming refugee population
from Asia Minor and Thrace. It is believed that some 384 refugees
were settled in that village (Simovski 1987: 113). The Spanovski Family* (*See
footnote above re changes of names to protect privacy.)
*Interviewed by writer. The family was able to buy approximately 15 acres from a Turkish
family "for a hat full of gold coins". In the early 1900s
the patriarch, Pando, had spent 10 years in America as an itinerant
work migrant (na pechalba) as well as doing seasonal gang work in
Greece and Europe, known as "na bichkija" (logging). It
was necessary for men to leave villages in search of seasonal work
in order to supplement the family's income. It would seem that those
living in mountain villages were more prone to seasonal or itinerant
work migration than those living in fertile valley regions. Upon marriage
Panda's sons Vane and Mito also carried on this tradition by going
na bichkija and na pechalba. Whilst the family succeeded in purchasing considerable land in and
around Gorna Kleshtina as well as near Dolna Kleshtina -they were
not able to enjoy the fruits of such a purchase for very long. In
the late 1920s (the exact date could not be established) the Spanovski
family, whose name was Hellenized to Spaniou, was dispossessed of
practically all of their land which was given to several incoming
refugee families. The reason for this is not quite clear, however
in the course of my research one source claimed that Pando swore at
the Greek surveyors when they had come to remark the land. He is said
to have had strong views about the current political situation and
was not afraid to air them. This is probable, given the length of
time Pando had spent in America and as he was a literate and intelligent
man. The land, even though paid for in gold, was considered as belonging
to the Greek Government as the Turkish titles "senebi" held
by the family were invalid. This led to many a bloody fight between the family, particularly the sons, and the refugees who had taken possession of the land. It also resulted in a court case, which was lost, and alleged bribery. The way in which the Spanovski family had lost their land became common knowledge. However one refugee family who had been allocated Spanovski land on the outskirts of Dolna Kleshtina could not take possession of the land and allowed the family to continue to cultivate the field. There were constant clashes, often bloody, between the sons and the new settlers. One such incident may well have ended in death, if Vane's wife Elena had not hidden Vane's pistol. With the best farming land taken, the family had to survive by other
means, so they took to goat herding and building a mill on the outlying
hills of the village. For the father, who had effectively lost all
that he had spent a lifetime working for in America, it was a means
of distancing himself from the socio-political reality in the village.
He became a recluse, preferring to stay in the mill and seldom going
down to the village. (Foreseeing problems under a new Greek regime
in earlier days, Pando had pressured his wife Ristana to migrate to
America. Because she did not want to leave her way oflife and land
she had refused such a move, only to migrate to Australia as an old
woman after Pando's death and the dispossession of their land.) The family was close-knit and the brothers lived together with their
wives, children and parents. The two sisters were married and moved
to other villages. The sons Vane and Mito were conscripted into the
Greek Army in 1922 for about four years, after which they went "na
pechalba" work migration to Australia and America respectively.
Upon ·marriage, it was expected that Vane and Mito should continue
the familial tradition of"pechalba". Mito went to seek his
fortune in America whilst Vane came to Australia in 1929, only to
return as a result of the depression. (Vane returned to Australia
in 1936 for the second time.) The brothers' wives and young families
remained in the village in the extended family set-up. During those
years the family survived with younger family members (children of
brothers) and women attending compulsory Greek language classes and
school. They also experienced the official changing of place and people's
names as well as restrictions placed on cultural events and the use
of the Macedonian language, particularly in religious and cultural
celebrations. One particular event was recounted regarding an elderly
villager who was taken into custody, severely beaten and given castor
oil to drink for speaking Macedonian to his donkey. Of relevance here
is the point that everybody had to comply with the ban on the use
of Macedonian. When Vane's daughter Fania was born, the Godfather, as is customary,
gave the newborn her name, but in Greek form. The family were disappointed
with the Godfather's choice because it was a Greek name. The mother
of the child complained because she could not pronounce the name,
but the Godfather insisted that the child needed a Greek name so that
the priest could christen her. Macedonian names were unacceptable
and a Hellenized version would be given in the Greek church services.
The family reluctantly accepted this, but called the child Fania and
never used the Greek name even though it was presented on official
documents. During later years the significance of the education experience is
revealed in one of the interviews with Fania. Her first day at school
was recounted as being quite traumatic as she was sent back home for
not wearing a blue and white uniform. "The teacher took a firm hold of my plaited hair and pulled
my head back, ridiculing me in front of the class for wearing traditional
clothes. I remember Grandma cursing as she tried to find me other
clothes, after I had run home in tears." Her experiences at school include being beaten for speaking Macedonian,
which was described as a "Gypsy" language or a "pretend
language" by her teacher. Not attending Church every Sunday was
also a punishable offence at school, in fact going to the church service
was considered a class activity, with students taking turns in reciting
parts of the liturgy. This is yet another example' where the Greek
Orthodox Church played a vital role in the Hellenization process (see
also Trudgill and Tzavaras 1983). These examples contributed to grandmother Ristana's avid hatred for
the education system. When the grandchildren would come home from
school, she would often throw their Greek books into the fire saying
that she did not want them learning the language of the people who
had taken everything away from them. A school photo taken in 1945
shows primary aged students dressed in different national costumes
- Macedonian, Thracian and Greek. Macedonian students wore the Greek
and Thracian costumes and vice versa. The student in the centre is
dressed as "mother Greece", thereby promoting a sense of
Greek brotherhood through the education system. Whilst this act did
acknowledge the reality that these ethnic groups existed, the underlying
message was that all these ethnic groups were Greek and unified. Fania
wore a Thracian outfit and her Thracian friend Macedonian national
dress. This was a particularly sore point for the family who had lost
their land to the Thracian refugees. One point worth mentioning about
the relationship between the Thracian girls and Fania was that in
order to communicate, the Thracian girls, upon arriving in Macedonia,
learnt Macedonian and this was the language of communication until
the girls reached high school age. Then, the Thracian girls refused
to communicate in Macedonian, preferring to use Greek instead and
belittling Fania for not speaking Greek. The effect of negative reinforcement
was a component of the education and social system and is exemplified
in this quote from Fania. "As a child, almost from the age that I could understand, I
was taught that my people were lower class, my language was lower
class, everything we did, customs, everything was inferior. I then
came to Australia and 154 again I was the bottom of the heap, again
my background was lower class because I did not know English." (For many Macedonian immigrants, negative reinforcement continued
as they faced a process of "double assimilation" both in
their homeland and in Australia.) Towards the end of World War Two, Pando was killed by Germans after
being betrayed as a partizan collaborator, given the family's mill
in the hills. After the family was betrayed by somebody in the village,
the mill was ransacked and razed to the ground with no trace of insurgents
found. However, Pando was still taken into custody and was led down
to the village on top of a canon draped with the women's woven and
embroidered clothes, which had been taken to the mill for safe keeping
as were all things of value such as photos, papers etc. The house
in the village was spared because of its close proximity to other
houses. Pan do was imprisoned in Lerin for three days and later executed
by firing squad in the autumn of 1944 along with a group of innocent
persons from neighbouring villages as retribution for the loss of
German troops as a result of a partizan bombing. During this time,
Vane was in. Australia and could not return because of the war. Vane The Macedonian community in Australia was established on the tradition
of"pechalbarstvo:· or migrant workers. These itinerant
migrant workers who laboured in logging camps in Western Australia
in the early 1920s started the early chain migration process by bringing
out their families. Vane was one of the early pechalbari, coming to
Australia first in 1929, working in the remote logging camps in Western
Australia, cutting wood for train sleepers. Due to the depression
he returned to Macedonia only to come to Australia again in 1938.
After the family had been dispossessed of their land, Vane felt restless
and decided to go na pechalba again. He refused to participate in
a parting ritual which was performed to ensure a safe trip and a speedy
return. He was so frustrated with the socio-political situation that
he vowed to his mother that he would never return to this land which
held nothing for him. After his father's execution, the hardships the family had suffered,
and as a result of impending danger of the Greek Civil War, Vane decided
to resettle his family in Australia. It would appear that at this
stage, the notion of "na pechalba" work migration was transformed
into permanent migration. It was the beginning of the chain migration
described by Price. Vane had been in Australia for over ten years
and in 1950 managed to bring his wife Elena and daughter Fania to
Australia. Due to the long years Vane was separated from his family,
Fania did not recognize or know her father, as he had left for Australia
when she was only two years old. Vane settled his family in Werribee
in Victoria and later bought a fish and chips shop in Brunswick. In
1956 the family bought a farming property. Vane helped to bring out his remaining family but once in Australia
a definite split occurred between the brothers and their families
in terms of their ethnic self-identification. Vane developed his Macedonian
identity, as he was literate in Macedonian. He actively attended and
became involved in Macedonian community organizations such as St George
Church Fitzroy (the frrst Macedonian church to be built outside of
Macedonia). His grandchildren attended the first Macedonian language
community school. Vane was buried by a Macedonian priest in 1985 at the above-mentioned
church. The children, grandchildren and great grandchildren of the
brothers also promote the sense oftransgenerational differentiation.
Vane's offspring have a sense of Macedonian identity, continue to
become literate in Macedonian, enrol grandchildren and great grandchildren
in Macedonian schools and classes in Melbourne. Vane's family unreservedly displayed their public Macedonian identity
and attended the Macedonian church. This issue was very important
in terms of familial relations and was clearly not supported by all
the family members who refused to attend the funeral of Vane's wife,
Elena, in 1965 because the service was held in the Macedonian church
and not the Greek church. They were afraid of spies and as a consequence
only the women attended the funeral service, with most of the male
relatives abstaining. Those who attended did not even console or pay
their condolences to the grieving Fania and her family. Not to pray
for the soul of the deceased or console the grieving family with the
phrase "Bog da go prosti" (translated meaning: may God have
mercy on this soul), is considered to be a very open display of hostility.
This act signifies the beginning of the differentiation in the family
and exemplifies the fear of external pressures by representatives
from the Greek authorities in Australia. Members of the extended family
wanted "to keep the road clear for bringing relatives overseas,
or to preserve them from harsh treatment in Greek Macedonia itself"
(Price 1963: 317). But Elena's dying wish was to be buried by a Macedonian
priest from the newly opened church so that "she could understand
what was being said in the here after, because she was sick of not
being able to understand." Her daughter Fania was ostracized by her kin (ie cousins and their
families) for not taking on a Greek identity and for openly showing
her Macedonianness by attending the Macedonian church. She was offered
little or no support from her extended family during her bereavement.
It was felt that this could bring further damage to the extended family
in terms of remaining family in Macedonia and assets. However, Fania
and her husband Risto were clearly fed up with the sort of discriminatory
treatment they had received in the Greek Church, before the Macedonian
church was built, that there was no hesitation in their decision to
support the Macedonian church. One incident was a particular turning
point regarding this issue. Their second daughter Gordana was christened
in the Greek Orthodox Church in 1957 (well before the completion of
the Macedonian Church in Melbourne). Considerable hostility erupted
at the christening service when the Greek priest refused to christen
the child by the chosen name, saying that this name Gordana was not
a proper Greek name. When he proceeded to christen the child with
a Greek version of the name, the Godfather became very upset and confronted
the priest who became very hostile, complaining that he would under
no circumstances christen any child with a "Slav" (meaning
Macedonian) name. At the end of the service, the parents decided never
to attend a Greek Church again. Until the Macedonian Church was built,
they even attended the Syrian Orthodox Church in Melbourne. Mito Mito and his family came to Australia in 1950 to 1951, settling in
Footscray and then later buying a fish and chips shop in Y arraville.
There is some controversy as to the way in which Mito was encouraged
to leave Greece. Some members of the family allege that he had to
denounce his Macedonian heritage and agree never to return in order
to leave the country. When Mito's son was questioned on this issue
he became clearly evasive and did not want to discuss the matter.
Upon coming to Australia, Mito sent money to the village Kleshtina
to pay for troughs for the animals. This could be interpreted as an
act of support for his village, but also as a demonstration of support
for the Greek status quo, so that he could ensure returning to his
village. In short, he appeared to be buying acceptance from official
and government departments. Once in Australia, Mito on an external level took on a Greek Macedonian
identity, one would assume in order to avoid further loss of remaining
family assets. He attended the Greek church and actively assisted
"prosfi.gi" refugee migrants coming to Australia. (These
were the refugee settlers with whom he fought almost to the death
when the family's land was taken.) He had nothing to do with the Macedonian
Orthodox community in Melbourne and was afraid of showing any outward
signs of support for anything Macedonian, being very conscious and
wary of"spies". His daughters married "prosfigi"
(refugees) much to his abhorrence and he affirmed his "Greekness"
even to the point of having the Hellenized version of his mother's
name on her gravestone in the northern suburbs cemetery in Melbourne.
Ristana died at the age of 85. This was the same woman who cursed
and burnt her grandchildren's Greek books. I believe all these actions
can be interpreted as an act of reparation with the Greek government,
proving his reliability and "Greekness" in order to return
to his homeland for a holiday. Mito's son has the attitude that it
is best not to meddle in politics or be seen to overtly air one's
political views. A common quote regarding this point is "Oh,
we don't like politics. It's best that a man looks after his family
and does not get involved in those sorts of things. It isn't worth
the risk." This is also in line with the typical"peasant"
mentality, to look after one's family and land as being the ultimate
aim in life. However, regardless of external display of support, the
family (ie cousins and family members) communicate only in the Macedonian
language, have only a basic knowledge of spoken Greek and are practically
if not totally illiterate in that language. Mito and his brother Vane
and their immediate families would often have long private conversations
about what their family had suffered. Mito would speak of his hatred
of the Greek regime. He also held animosity towards the "prosfigi"
who married his daughters. He thought of them as foreigners and they
too often called the family "Vulgaros" or Bulgarians. Mito
always referred to his daughters' husbands as prosfigi, never "nashi".
This term was only ever used in reference to Macedonians. Mito's offspring and grandchildren have a strong sense of Greek Macedonian
identity and/ or have assumed an Australian identity rejecting the
former and all its complexities. In 1987 Mito was proclaimed as a
"good Greek" at his funeral service attended by three Greek
priests. This case study has concentrated mainly on the families of the two
brothers, but I would just like to briefly mention the other two sisters.
Pando and Ristana's daughters, Marika and Ana, married into the neighbouring
villages of Kalenik and Kladorabi respectively. Ana died young and
did not migrate to Australia, whereas her children migrated . to Australia
after the brothers were well settled in the later 1950s. Marika on the other hand came to Australia twice and could not settle here and returned to live in Kalenik with her son Spase until her death. All of Pando's grandchildren and their families live in Australia, bar Spase who remained in the village and Gorjana who lives in Canada. The extended family is no longer close-knit and has grown apart during
the past forty years. The split occurred, according to my interviewee,
when the Macedonian church was built in Melbourne in 1960. Then, people
had to decide whether they were going to show their Macedonianness
openly or not. Many Macedonian families donated money for the new
church but wanted their contribution kept anonymous. The fear of the Greek regime was further perpetuated by villagers
who claimed to know spies, actually threatening Fania and her husband
about ever returning to their homeland if they persisted in this type
of "antiGreek" activity. One of the relatives in the extended
family was renowned for holding this type of position. The father-in-law
of Fania's first cousin Nada, claimed to be a "government official"
with a special task to complete in Australia. Price documented this
type of activity and the use of paid "village individuals"
to assist in the Hellenization process within the extended family
situation is also documented in "The Conspiracy Against Macedonia"
(Popov and Radin 1989). So we can conclude that there was considerable
pressure on people to conform with the status quo even in Australia.
This external pressure has continued to affect the choices Macedonians
make about their public self-identification even after the first generation
have died. The contradiction in Mito's story is that whilst he portrayed a very 4. Case Study Analysis The following case study analysis will be divided into two sections.
The first will be a discussion of the assimilation process in Aegean
Macedonia on a macro level, drawing on material presented in the historical
overview and the case study. The second will entail a more detailed
dialectical analysis of the effect of this process on a personal or
micro level. (a) An Analysis of the Process of Assimilation in Aegean Macedonia
and Australia From the historical overview and the case study we can conclude that
quite comprehensive denationalization schemes in Aegean Macedonia
attempted to promote a false ethnic consciousness by banning the use
of the Macedonian language, curbing the cultural activities of the
Macedonian people, changing the ethnographic makeup of the region
with the resettlement of refugees of a different language group, and
the dispossession of land and assets. In terms of social psychology
what was being done? Clearly, it was a case of social engineering
by attempting to bring about a change in the ethnic identity of Macedonians
aimed at the assimilation of Macedonians and the refugee population
into one homogeneous group. Ethnic diversity in Greece was not encouraged.
On the contrary, ethnocentric government policies emphasizing a Greek
brotherhood and national unity, especially the notion of a "glorious
Hellenic past", have been systematically promoted via the education
system, religious and cultural activities. The assimilation of minority ethnic groups in Greece has been systematic
and this has been documented in sociolinguistic studies by Trudgill
and Tzavaras (in Giles 1977: 171-183) who undertook a study on the
assimilation of Albanian-Greeks and the Arvanitika language which
they classify as a "dying language". In their investigation
of the social and educational problems faced by the Arvanites, they
conclude that the assimilation process is practically complete. Trudgill
and Tzavaras state that the erosion of Albanian identity occurred
as a result of three main factors. The first was the wave of Hellenization
after the War of Independence and the Greek Civil War; secondly, through
the Greek Orthodox Church which strove to promote ethnic and religious
similarities rather than differences; finally, the demographic change
as a result of the population exchanges broke down Albanian homogeneity
as "formerly Albanian areas became mixed and Hellenized"
(Trudgill and Tzavaras 1977: 173). These factors are also exemplified
in the Macedonian case study family and have been documented in the
historical section. Indeed the cultural, economic and political dominance
of the Greeks had a definite impact in breaking down the identity
of both these minority groups. Regarding the dispossession of land (as experienced by the case study
families) as a direct result of the resettlement program, Ladas outlines
the procedures undertaken for the liquidation of property. He claims
that there was a local Florina (Lerin) Sub-Commission which held "official
files for the establishment of property rights" (Ladas 1932:
191). This is most probably the Government organization dealt with
by the case study family. Furthermore, there was often difficulty
in proof of ownership in the land surveying procedure, as little bits
ofland were often separated by other people's property. This was further
complicated by the existence of abandoned land and in fact "most
of the establishment of property rights and the surveying ofland was
made on the basis of the testimony of the delegates" (Ladas 1932:
194). This, as we have seen in the case study, was inadequate to say
the least and was open to abuse, especially if there was any doubt
as to the allegiance of families to Greece. It can be said that this
was a process designed to covertly encourage migration from the region. Apart from forced migration from the region, the resettlement of
non -Macedonian speakers highlighted in the former examples attempted
to effectively break down the strength of the Macedonian language
as well as the languages of other groups like the Arvanites. A situation
was created where "the home language was stigmatized or ridiculed,
thus creating a sense of inferiority or even selfhatred" (Van
Den Berghe 1981: 258). This is outlined in the case study in Fania's
negative school experiences regarding the Macedonian language and
is also supported by the Trudgill and Tzavaras study, "speaking
Arvanitika makes you feel embarrassed" (1977: 17 4). Political
socialization via the education system was aimed at creating a sense
of unified Greekness or a melting pot for the poly-ethnic makeup of
the region. The school photograph mentioned earlier supports this
argument. This was directed as much to the newcomers (refugees) as
well as the original inhabitants and exemplifies the engineering of
a public Greek identity. Ladas (1932) and (Price 1963) make direct
reference to this as the aim of the resettlement programs. The very
deliberate policies to eradicate the Macedonian language through a
systematic monolingual education system demonstrate a systematic approach
to ethnic engineering where the superiority of the dominant culture
was the agenda. When people aren't given the opportunity to become
literate in their mother-tongue, they internalize a sense of inferiority
and backwardness about their language and themselves (Clyne 1985,
Edwards 1985). Language teachers involved in minority language maintenance programs
are aware that the fundamentals of language teaching methodology should
ideally be centered on the total development of the child in terms
of family cohesion, where communication between the younger and older
generation are maintained. More importantly, in terms of self esteem,
Clyne notes that, "children from non English speaking backgrounds
often develop the misconception that their family language is a worthless
language because it does not play a role in the school domain"
(Clyne 1985: 137-8). If we reverse this ideological and methodological stance on language
maintenance and teaching, one question remains unaddressed. What was
the effect of the Greek education system on the children from Macedonian
background who were denied a holistic education in terms of their
bilingualism and self-esteem? The case study reveals that there were
no mother-tongue maintenance programs for Macedonian students. Moreover,
kindergartens were established where children were taken at a very
young age (pre-school) in order to distance them from the "monoglots"
in the extended family situation where the Macedonian language was
being passed on. "Subtractive" bilingualism was the aim,
that is, the acquisition of the second language slowly overpowering
the mother-tongue (Garder and Kalin 1981). The socio-psychological process of ethnic change and language shift has been described by other scholars as often traumatic, as in the case of the Mexican American experience. In the American education system, for example, when no attempt is made to promote or develop the Mexican child's ethnic self-esteem or to maintain his mother-tongue the following experience has been documented. "The Spanish-speaking child who encounters stern and imposing prohibitions against using his language not only is traumatized by a conflict he does not readily unde~stand but is forced into a position of repudiating his cultural identity or else of perishing within the educational process" (Bouchard Ryan and Carranza in Giles 1977: 60). Similar parallels are revealed in the case study when the grandchildren
are stigmatized and physically punished by the teacher in the primary
school for speaking their "Gypsy language" at school. If
they were caught speaking the language in the yard, again the use
of corporal punishment was the norm. Coupled with this, students were
taught that the language they spoke was "not a real language",
ie not a literary language. If they spoke Macedonian with their prosfigi
school mates they were ridiculed. The attempt to proscribe the use
of Macedonian and undermine the value of the home language has been
described by my interviewee as "trying to drive a nail through
our tongue." The situation faced by the grandchildren on the homefront was the
total rejection of the Greek language and the education process by
their grandmother and mother who ·would burn the Greek language
books and tell the children that they had their own language, thereby
nullifying the education process. It also signalled a reinforcement
of their individual self-worth as Macedonians and exemplifies the
promotion of ethnic self-esteem. The promotion of the inferiority of the Macedonian language, which
implied the inferiority of such ethnic self-identification and the
superiority ofthe Hellenic culture and people, was a psychological
lever used in assimilating the Macedonian minority in Greece. This
coupled with better life chances within the wider Greek society meant
that the younger generation had to conform by becoming bilingual or
risk a lower standard of living. We can draw parallels with the Irish language to a certain extent
especially where "The National School System itself established
in 1831, excluded Irish, it was called the "murder machine"
by Pearse. Also the famine and emigration which it prompted had their
greatest effect in rural Irish speaking areas" (Edwards 1985:
54). Moreover, there developed a negative attitude to the Irish language
of" drudgery and backwardness". However, the Irish language
was effectively The value of language as a symbol of ethnic identity and cultural
distinctiveness must not be underestimated. However, if we examine
the level of prestige and economic advantage to be had by being educated
in the dominant group language (Greek), given that Macedonians were
not provided with the opportunity to become literate in their mother-tongue,
it is understandable in some cases that Macedonians developed a sense
that the Macedonian language and therefore being Macedonian was of
an inferior status. This is clearly outlined in Fania's quote about
her school experience. "As a child, almost from the age that I could understand, I
was taught that my people were lower class, my language was lower
class, everything we did, customs, everything was inferior ... " However, her grandmother's reinforcement of her individual and ethnic
self worth as Macedonian by destroying Greek books, refusing to speak
Greek at home, maintaining her Macedonian culture and maintaining
a very aggressive attitude towards the denationalization, is possibly
the reason why Fania has maintained her Macedonian identity. Fania's
grandmother was displaying aggressive ethnicity and this is also duplicated
by Fania with her own children. On the other hand, individuals experiencing
such situations may also react in the opposite way and accept the
denationalization process without apparent resistance. In the Arvanitika
study, those who suffered discrimination were determined that their
children would not suffer in the same way because they would speak
Greek (Trudgill and Tzavaras 1977: 17 4). This is also present in
the case study, particularly in reference to the second brother. Mito's
family began to self-identify as Greek Macedonian, even though their
command of Greek was somewhat limited. The psychological inter- nalization
of inferiority is the reason for this and the implications of this
are enormous, especially if we are concerned with the development
of the Macedonian language in the future. There is cause for concern
in Aegean Macedonia, given that the number of "monoglots"
are decreasing and bilingualism in Greek and Macedonian is increasing,
especially amongst the younger generation. Future studies will have
to be completed regarding language maintenance or shift in this context. One point needs to be stressed, considerable Greek government resources
have gone into promoting the supposed Hellenic background of Macedonians.
The Institute of Macedonian Studies in Salonica and the Institute
of Balkan Studies have worked tirelessly both in Greece and in countries
of migration to define the supposed Hellenic parameters of the Macedonian
ethny or "slavophone Greeks" as they call them. Thus continuing
the development of an ethnospecific public Macedonian identity was
impossible when the Greek state had the power of defining the parameters
of the Macedonian "public" ethnicity, which in their definition
was Hellenic in character. The role of the Greek church in the assimilation process must also
be mentioned because, historically, it was free to maintain a hold
in the Macedonian region unhindered by the Ottomans. From the eighteenth
century the powerful Patriarchate from Constantinople "not only
robbed the congregations of their material possessions, they strove
to deprive them of their most treasured immaterial possession, their
racial identity" (West 1984: 642). In contemporary times its influence is significant as revealed in
the case study because it was mandatory for children to go to church
on Sunday and this was reinforced through the education system, punishing
students who did not go to church. In places of migration, the Greek
Church also assumed control over Macedonians, with many Macedonians
still to this day being afraid to enter the Macedonian churches for
fear of reprisals against their families in their homeland. This was
exemplified in the case study when one of the brothers would not be
seen at any Macedonian community function or church. Other members
of the extended family would not even attend the funeral of a close
relative, namely Vane's wife, because the funeral was at the Macedonian
church. Apart from the "fear" element inherent in attending the
Macedonian church, let us not underestimate the psychological effect
of the internalized negative messages Macedonians have been receiving
about their Macedonian background, namely that they had no "real"
language, or culture or church, due to the fact that there had been
little expression allowed of any positive "public" Macedonian
political culture and identity. Attending the Greek church for these
Macedonians was and is also a way of gaining a "proper"
or "acceptable" form of culture and identity. In order to
gain a sense of self-worth and acceptance by the dominant social group,
they continue to compromise their public Macedonian identity even
though they now live in Australia. It is crucial to isolate this fact
as it has been and is a covert form of socio-psychological pressure
which was brought to bear during the Hellenization process. This occurred
because these people were never given the opportunity to develop literacy
in their mother-tongue and an education which affirmed their worth
as Macedonians. During Turkish domination, it was illiteracy which
'saved' Macedonians from the Hellenization process (Friedman 1985),
however in the 20th century, when Macedonia became part of the Greek
state, the pressure of Hellenic cultural imperialism transcended the
Greek church and was evident in all forms of social life. Macedonians
were no longer isolated and distinct efforts were made by the authorities
to teach the Greek language to everybody including the older generation.
Fania's mother, aunt and grandmother all had to attend compulsory
Greek classes. One other point must be raised in reference to Macedonians and Greeks
sharing the same Orthodox faith; justification for attending a Greek
church is often given by way of claiming that "it is the same
faith so the church is not important". The similarities of the
faith have been promoted by the Greek Orthodox Church (Trudgill and
Tzavaras 1977: 175). In this context, I believe that Macedonians have
also internalized and accepted church service in foreign languages
because this has been a part of their recent historical past when
Greece abolished the use of Old Church Slavonic in Aegean Macedonia
under the Metaxas regime. Until then, even though the Macedonian Church
had been officially abolished by the Ottomans, the use of Old Church
Slavonic as a liturgical language (based on the Macedonian language)
was the way in which the Macedonian language and identity were maintained. Apart from the fear of attending the Macedonian church in Australia
because of political ramifications for relatives in Macedonia (Price
1963: 317), some Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia could not come
to regard the new Macedonian church as really their own because of
the confusion inherent in the false propaganda that the Republic of
Macedonia was really Yugoslav or Serbian. There is a confusion about
the identity of Macedonians which has been promoted by vast propaganda
campaigns that Macedonians living in Greece had always been part of
the Greek civilization (Price 1963: 316) and were often called "Slavophone
Greeks". This was done to foster or enforce a "split"
or differentiation between Macedonians in Australia. But in actual
fact, the autocephalous Macedonian Orthodox Church was not re-established
in the Republic of Macedonia, then part ofYugoslavia, until196 7,
well after the building of the first Macedonian church outside of
the Republic of Macedonia in 1960. The establishment of this church
was not merely to serve the religious needs of the Macedonian community
in Melbourne, but it was a symbol of their "conscientization"
or national identity as Macedonians. In an internal Greek Government
document "The Conspiracy Against Macedonia" dated 16th February,
1982 (Popov and Radin 1989), special recommendations were made to
promote pro-Greek sentiment in Aegean Macedonia by holding "special
teaching seminars for all state workers and for the clergy who work
in the sensitive region of Macedonia". Furthermore, financial
support has been given to cultural organizations in Lerin to "stage
events, and to publish books, newspapers, magazines etc which would
be sent to compatriots abroad who come from this region in order to
strengthen nationalist feeling and to arm them against anti-Greek
propaganda which is carried out by the Macedonian organizations". As a result of the extensive denationalization policies, the erosion
of ethnic self-affirmation in Macedonians of Aegean Macedonia has
occurred because "ethnic self-esteem is susceptible to all kinds
of political manipulation" (Roosens 1989: 18). Furthermore, Van
den Berghe states that "typically, people do not consciously
decide to assimilate or resist assimilation. They simply take a multitude
of small daily decisions to behave in certain ways in certain situations"
(Van Den Berghe 1981: 257). The economic factor must never be underestimated in such situations
because one of the main reasons in the case study for the extended
display of hyperconformity is to secure the family's property and
assets, particularly after the bulk of the land was lost by voicing
their dissatisfaction with the status quo. In more recent times there
is evidence that employment preference is given to Greek speaking
personnel. "Workers and support personnel who do not know the
local idiom (ie Macedonian) should be employed in state public services
and in the schools" (The Conspiracy Against Macedonia, in Popov
and Radin 1989). Given this type of social context in Aegean Macedonia, one phenomenon
that has emerged as a result of the assimilation program is the adaptation
of a "pseudo-identity" or the suppression of Macedonian
identity and the open adaptation of a type of Greek Macedonian identity
in particular situations. This change in self-identification is the
crux of the problematic in the case study and this was done on a conscious
level. The socio-psychological implications of the emergence of such
a pseudo identity need to be addressed, especially if we perceive
this phenomenon in terms of survival. If we accept the preservation
of "self' as being the basic drive of human nature the adaptation
of a pseudo identity in some situations is quite comprehensible. From
a very young age the "fear" mechanism is triggered off both
on a very overt and conscious level, like one's personal safety, but
also on a subconscious level. Induced by the internalization of the
negative reinforcement of denationalization policies, the long term
effect still burdens Macedonians today and has been transmitted to
subsequent generations. This "fear complex", namely fear oflosing property, denial
of entry to Greece and reprisals against relatives, is still blatantly
obvious today if one samples Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia living
in Australia. The writer has witnessed Macedonians from Aegean Macedonian
villages donating money to the Macedonian Human Rights Organization,
but wanting their identity kept secret. The case study reveals the
conflicts and problems the "fear complex" caused in this
particular family leading to the split or differentiation. Even after
years of settlement in Australia, "the power of the past"
still has a psychological hold on some Macedonians from Aegean Macedonia. It is not surprising that the source of agony and anxiety in the
Macedonian homeland also can burden the immigrant in the new country
in the form of a deliberate well-oiled machine which continued the
Hellenization process of Macedonians abroad in the following forms.
It effectively nurtured ethnic change and the development of the pseudo
identity or mask that Macedonians adopt in order to survive on a social
and psychological sense. The Hellenization of Macedonians in Australia continued as follows: (a) The establishment of the Pan Macedonian Association was meant
as an umbrella organization for all mushrooming village organizations
in Melbourne in the 1960-70s. It was the Greek version of "brotherhood"
between Pontians, Thracians, Macedonians, Vlachs, Albanians and Greeks.
Similar activities have been outlined in the Greek lobby in America
where a "sense of common identity" was forged (Stacked.
1981: 51). This was followed by the establishment of the Australian
Institute of Macedonian Studies in 1987, which has been an anti-Macedonian
lobby, promoting the Greekness of Macedonia in conferences held in
Australia as well as lobbying against the teaching of the Macedonian
language in Australia. (b) The Greek print media publish specific material promoting the
Greek identity amongst Macedonians in Australia which are still being
circulated to village organizations and even the State education system
in Victoria. Such publications like Makedoniki Zoi (Macedonian Life)
and others promote such ideas as the Greekness of Macedonia and promote
false allegations about the Macedonian language, culture, ethnospecificity
and the Republic of Macedonia. The misleading information presented
in these publications centres on the Macedonian language being "an
idiom, without syntax, grammatical components and spelling."
Linguistic facts and arguments by DeBray (1980) and Friedman (1975,
1985) which outline the lack oflogic and linguistic fact in such assertions
are ignored in the attempt to prove that "Macedonians are Greeks"
and that a "pseudo title" Macedonian Nation does not exist.
In fact they hold that the name "Republic ofMacedonia has been
misappropriated by those in Skopje" (Makedoniki Zoi No. 60 1971). (c) As outlined in the case study, spies (members of the extended
family) report the activities of the emigre community back to the
homeland. Furthermore the use of influential village individuals to
promote pro-Greek sentiment both in the homeland and in Australia
is also documented in "The Conspiracy Against Macedonia". "In each village individuals should be designated who, because
of their family ties and their personality, have influence on a wider
circle of their eo-villagers; they should be approached by any means
(including monetary compensation) to become advocates leading the
battle against the use of the idiom (ie Macedonian) in their circles"
(in Popov and Radin: 1989). (d) In countries of migration there is a history of anti-Macedonian
activity perpetuated at Government level dating back to World War
One when war allies Greece and Serbia applied pressure to the Canadian
and United States governments to classify Macedonians as enemy aliens.
This occurred after the Bulgarian alliance with Germany (V asiliadis
in Gold 1984: 65). For "so simple an action as speaking Macedonian"
people were "fined or arrested for not registering as enemy aliens"
(Vasiliadis in Gold 1984: 66). In Australia, the anti-Macedonian lobby
has been active in sending letters and lobbying the Australian government,
even to the extent of letters addressed to the Prime Minister and
various government departments reprimanding Australian initiatives
regarding the recognition and teaching of the Macedonian language,
and in recent times lobbying against the recognition of a sovereign
Macedonia. (e) The role of the Greek priests in promoting the Hellenization
process in Australia centred on church activities like christening
children with Greek names even against the wishes of Macedonian parents,
as exemplified in the case study where Fania tried to christen her
second daughter Gordana but the Greek priest refused. Also in church
the priests reinforce the negative attitude to the use of the Macedonian
language. The Greek church has assumed covert control over Macedonians,
with many Macedonians still to this day being afraid to enter the
Macedonian churches for fear of reprisals against their families in
their homeland. Price documents Macedonians deliberately joining Greek
organizations, particularly church and village organizations, to counter
this fear as was exemplified in the case study when one of the brothers
assisted the prosfigi migrants to Australia. In the case study, the same brother is buried as a "good Greek"
in order to accommodate the "fear complex". However, while
he was giving a very public display of this Greekness, he still had
a very firm conceptual understanding of who were Greeks, prosfigi,
and Macedonians. This was only ever aired privately but along with
the use and maintenance of the Macedonian language shows that he most
certainly retained his private Macedonian identity as well. We come
now to the crux of the problematic analysis regarding the way in which
these Macedonian brothers selfidentified. The contradiction inherent
in this case study can systematically be defined with the use of dialectics. (b) Understanding the Dialectic Process In order to develop an objective critique about identity and to understand
the contradictions of relationships, the complexities, problems and
causes of the apparent ethnicity change/ crisis as outlined in the
case study, we must apply the analytical to the concrete. It is in
this way that I propose to investigate the case study. Truth is subjective
and rather than falling into subjectivism, we need to separate the
fundamentals in this problem to enable a deeper understanding of social
phenomenon such as identity. In this case, the contradiction in the
case study exemplifies the dialectics of identity. After examining
a phenomenon in such a way, it is possible to work towards a synthesis.
For Marx the separation of subject and object "provides the solution
to the problem of the split between subjectivity and objectivity,
idealism and materialism, mind and body" (Bologh 1978: 8). It
also uncovers the active relation of subject and object which in turn
should reveal the internal relationships of subject and object. So,
in order to understand the split or the internal relationship between
Macedonians and their identity, we must first separate Macedonians
and their identity and look at each as separate components. If we
look at Macedonians as the subject and their identity as the object
we have in fact started the first stage of examination as shown in
diagram 1.
Conversely, if we examine Macedonians as the objects of "external abstractions" namely denationalization or assimilationist policies, we see that this leads to a divided subject identity as in diagram 2 because of the internalization of the assimilation process.
The examination of the "ongoing subject-object" gives us a clue as to how this phenomenon is reproduced. The subsequent internalization of the assimilation policies manifested as a split subject are transferred as a divided object or apparent dual identity in diagram 3. We may interpret this as "divided subjectivity (re)presents itself as internal conflict" (Bologh 1979: 8). The contradiction is evident when internal struggle brings about change which manifests itself as the use of externally appropriate Greek Macedonian labelling.
In this case the externalized abstractions become an internalized
reality in the way the subject perceives the object, that is the Macedonian
. and his or her identity. This is in line with Bologh's interpretation
that "treating social human-made phenomena as given, makes them
reified and hence oppressive" (Bologh 1979: 273). On a micro level let us further examine the above dialectic object of identity using Roosens' anthropological viewpoint which explores the concept of creating ethnicity or ethnogenesis. He outlines the core or the internal "intrapsychic" dimension of ethnicity as well as the "social" dimension in referring to others (Roosens 1989: 15). In this case study it is the social "outer" core which is prone to accommodatory change. However, the intrapsychic core remains Macedonian and intact. See diagram 4. Whilst some Macedonians outwardly show signs of assimilation in order to survive in the social context they find themselves in, the inner core is not so manipulable. The Macedonian intrapsychic core remains Macedonian, in that he sees himself as nash (one of us). This is obvious in the way he refers to his kin or members of his community, the way he maintains his culture, traditions and language and is -perplexed at the idea of his children marrying other nationalities, as occurred in the case study. If there were significant changes to the intrapsychic component, all the above-mentioned criteria would not be Macedonian but something else, illustrating the much deeper effect of assimilation.
If we make diagrammatic representation of Macedonian identity based on the Roosens model it would look something like this.
This represents Macedonian identity both social and intrapsychic which has not been affected by assimilation. Vane's family would be represented by this model because they possessed a very strong sense of ethnic self-esteem and self-identify as Macedonians in the social context and nashi in an intrapsychic sense. There is no duality of self-identification or inner conflict which produces a split between the social and intrapsychic component.
Figure 4b represents Macedonian identity with a split between the
social and intrapsychic level as a result of the internalization of
the assimilation process. However, the duality of self-identification,
ie Greek Macedonian can also be represented as a "double split"
on the social level because the Macedonian identity is also used in
the appropriate social context. Note there is no split in the intrapsychic
level.
As the assimilation process increases, the intrapsychic qualities
begin to change as well as the social. As a result, language, traditions,
and the concept of being Macedonian changes to a self-perception of
being Greek and not wanting to identify as being Macedonian even on
a personal level. This stage of assimilation had not been reached
by the case study family who in public self-identified as Greek Macedonian
and whose duality of self-identification was used when socially appropriate
but who still had a very firm self-perception ofbeing Macedonian and
"one of us". They are represented by diagram 4b. Clearly, the dialectic or contradiction in Macedonian identity is
centred on the social dimension which is more prone to change while
the inner core remains the same. Because the outer core is manipulable,
supposed ethnic change occurs on a superficial level, much as a chameleon
changes its skin colour to blend into the surrounding social environment.
Having internalized and accepted that their people may be culturally,
linguistically, socially and economically inferior, some Macedonians
attempt to convey the image that they are more Greek than the Greeks
in an attempt to earn recognition and acceptance as equals. It is
an interesting phenomenon that this process actually continues in
Australia (Price 1963). Yeboah (1988) in his disquieting expose of
ideology and racism of black people by western civilization outlines
similar social behavior. For Macedonians the use of another external
ethnic identity should be looked upon as a survival technique and
this has been mentioned in contemporary Macedonian novels. For example,
Petre Andreevski's Nebeska Timjanovna where a Macedonian would call
him/ herself Greek, Bulgarian or Serb in the course of one day because
they were starving and absolutely destitute as a result of a continuation
of wars and simultaneous oppression by different groups. This phenomenon,
if not understood and placed in context, may be easily misinterpreted
and thus have inaccurate conclusions drawn in terms of understanding
the identity of this individual. The dialectic put quite simply is this: regardless of how the outer
shell or the external identity of Macedonians may change due to the
internalization of denationalization processes, the inner or intrapsychic
dimension remains Macedonian and "one of us". The dialectical
complexity and contradiction most often misunderstood is that even
though one must be born into an ethnic group, in social terms one's
ethnicity is sometimes fluid. The findings of Gardner and Kalin in
Canadian Social Psychology of Ethnic Relations concludes that"
ethnic identity is not fixed and certain, ethnic identity can change
although not easily and an individual can also at the same time and
over a period of time identify with more than one ethnic group depending
on the situation he finds himselfin" (Gardner and Kalin ed. 1981:
17). This is most certainly the case with the younger brother in the case
study who has a dual ethnic identity, but what can be said of the
brother who maintained his Macedonian identity and those who have
continued to identify as Macedonians regardless of negative assimilatory
practices. Roosens states "those who identify with an ethnic
category network or group can find psychological security in this
identification, a feeling of belonging, a certainty that one knows
one's origin, that one can live on in the younger generations of one's
people who will carry on the struggle. One can commit oneself to "a
cause", fulfil oneself, realize oneself to be unique, original,
irreplaceable as a member of an ethnic group" (Roosens 1989:
16). I believe that this reflects a very real element of Freire' s "conscientization".
Macedonians who maintain and develop their identity have arrived at
this stage of awareness or "svest" which is simply an awareness
and positive acceptance of one's Macedonian self. The fundamental
key to understanding the dialectic of apparent duality in Macedonian
identity and relationships Macedonians have with others and themselves
is tied to the process of assimilation and! or differentiation. Those
who take on the externally appropriate hyperconformative alternative
"pseudo" ethnic identity and call themselves Greek or Greek
Macedonians are deliberately compromising socially and displaying
signs of some assimilation, albeit on an outward level. However, on
an inner private level, the Macedonian language is still spoken and
customs are still observed and the family identifies as Macedonian.
The reasons for this are varied as we have seen. Those who remain
Macedonian and resist all pressure to change their ethnic identity
do so because they have more "ethnic self esteem" and can
repel or resist the denationalization forces. This type of situation
leads to differentiation or the split which is evident in our present
communities in Australia and many families around the world and which
has also been documented in Price's 1963 study. Furthermore, those who adopt the alternative ethnic identity, which
is simply the internalization and reproduction of assimilation policies,
are further disadvantaged because they lack the relevant education
(knowledge about themselves) and literacy in their mother-tongue to
be able to competently develop their own "intrapsychic"
ethnic identity and esteem. They do not have the self confidence in
their public Macedonian ethnic identity because they have never been
given the opportunity via the education and social system to explore
the dimensions of such development. Therefore the above analytical theorizing is vital in the process
of liberation. It clarifies the fact that human-made phenomena are
merely "ongoing social accomplishment and subject to human intervention"
(Bologh 179: 273). Dialectics shows us the way in which this takes
place; how human-made forms of ethnic engineering are internalized
and accepted as the truth by forthcoming generations. It is not sufficient
to accept the subjective nature of such phenomena without further
analysis because in doing so we fail to understand the true parameters
of the situation Macedonians have endured. Dialectics shows the interplay
of the relationships Macedonians have with their surrounding social
environments. Freire gives us some insight into the process of assimilation
in the Pedagogy of the Oppressed. "The oppressed suffer from
the duality which has established itself in their innermost being.
They discover that without freedom, they cannot exist authentically.
Yet, although they desire authentic existence, they fear it. They
are at one and the same time themselves and the oppressor whose consciousness
they have internalized" (Freire 1970: 32). Sally Weaver's (1984) analysis of Aboriginal ethnicity both in Australia
and Canada makes special reference to the concept and development
of public and private ethnicity. Unlike the indigenous populations
of Australia and Canada, Macedonians did not inhabit the Balkan Peninsula
entirely by themselves until the socio-political domination of their
homeland by different nations. In the recent past, Aboriginal minorities
have been more actively involved in their defining process or the
development of their public identity, which was primarily in the hands
of the nations where they exist as minorities. Moving towards a synthesis in the case of the Macedonians, who exist
as a "multi-statal" nation, this process of ethnic definition
on a public level or the affirmation of public ethnicity is further
complicated because they fall under four sets of defining processes
within four separate nations. This in effect means that each nation
defines their Macedonian minority as something different. What we
can effectively summarize about the Macedonians is that their private
ethnicity is very well developed and practised to the point that the
situational qualities of that ethnicity have also been rationalized.
For the Macedonians, the defining process of their public ethnicity
as part of the political culture of their nation state is the area
which has been suppressed and lacks development, hence the contradictions
and juxtapositions frequently presented about Macedonians not being
an ethnospecific group. The development of the Republic of Macedonia within the Yugoslav
Federation after World War 2 was a crucial step in the defining process
in terms of public ethnicity and political culture. This historical
evolution was not totally complete as it was done within the framework
and context of the Yugoslav brotherhood, which was not entirely relevant
to Macedonians living outside the Republic in the other divided sections.
Needless to say, it reflected in part the political culture of the
Yugoslav nation and an emerging Yugoslav ethnic identity, as opposed
to the development of the separate and complete Macedonian nation
that was independent of the Federation. The emergence of the Macedonian Republic has been a definite fillip
to the defining process and the structures for defining the parameters
of a public Macedonian ethnic identity have been put into place. The
growth of an education system, the recognition of the Macedonian literary
language and increasing literacy in the Macedonian language have been
major achievements in the past fifty years. The democratization of
socialist countries has had ramifications for the Macedonian people
who for the first time in their national development have a democratically
elected Parliament. Macedonian public identity is emerging alongside
a definite and separate political culture. The "ethnic self-confidence"
or the process of conscientization that is encapsulated in the political
culture of public ethnicity and defmition is the vital component which
given the partition is insufficiently developed in some areas of the
Macedonian nation. The question one must ask based on this theoretical
assumption is as follows: can the public ethnicity of a people be
developed even if all areas of the nation don't develop simultaneously
as in the case of the Macedonian homeland? It would appear from the case study that one brother uses the migration
experience to Australia and the distance from his troubled homeland
to more fully develop and maintain his private identity, by practising
his traditions and culture, becoming literate in his mother tongue
and identifying as Macedonian. On a public level he also becomes involved
in emerging Macedonian community organizations in Melbourne. Indeed,
the development of autonomous Macedonian community and church organizations,
as distinct from village organizations, reflects the strong state
of the public ethnicity outside the divided nation in a neutral social
setting that encourages ethnic diversity. The opposite occurred with the second brother who retains his private
ethnicity but does not develop it to the same extent as his brother.
He develops the public ethnicity of the dominant socio-political group
in his homeland, ie Greek. There were venues for this type of development
in the Australian social context as well. The benefits of such ethnic
duality are clear in terms of economic gain but also in psychological
terms where acceptance is being sought from the dominant social group.
This may be interpreted as the Kleinian concept of reparation or mending
the relationship with the dominant group in his homeland which often
ostracized and mistreated the family. The power equation, particularly in reference to minority groups
and national governments, is tied directly to the "defining game".
The accurate defmition and promotion of a distinct and honest Macedonian
past and present, and especially of a public Macedonian ethnicity
and political culture, has not been to the economic and social advantage
of countries such as Greece and Bulgaria where ethnic pluralism and
diversity are suppressed. If we understand that frequent misinformation
is presented about the definition of Macedonians, the dialectics of
the Macedonian identity crisis as a result of assimilatory practises
becomes very comprehensible. The new Greek Macedonian identity which has been promoted by the
Greek Government, particularly in immigrant countries such as Australia,
has been a way of utilizing the internalized duality of an oppressed
people. This idea supports the notion that Macedonian is synonymous
with the idea of Greekness. This has been nurtured and supports the
apparent duality, both social and public, which has been internalized
and reproduced as the assimilatory process began to work. The concept of private and public ethnicity is the fundamental thread
in understanding the dialectic of the identity crisis revealed in
the case study, resultant from deliberate assimilation policies in
the Macedonian homeland. The parallels with Weaver's analysis of Australian
and Canadian Aborigines are evident because of the colonization experience.
Public ethnicity and the process of defining the parameters of national
culture can only develop in a social environment where the individual
and group have freedom of speech and the right to demand change. The
freedom of expression, language, culture and religion without fear
of overt or covert persecution is an essential ingredient for the
development of "national consciousness" and "ethnic
self esteem"; thereby facilitating the development of group self-identification
in the public political arena. If we accept Devos' idea that "ethnicity in its deepest psychological
level is a sense of survival" (Devos et al1975: 25) in terms
of acquiring a sense of self, Macedonians have had to contend with
the internalization of a negative self image or negative social identity
which further complicates the individual's ability and disposition
to develop his/ her public Macedonian ethnicity. This is in line with
Mead's idea that "in acquiring a sense of self, one internalizes
a generalized other", therefore it is quite conceivable that
individuals in lower status minority groups "cannot resist some
internalization of a negative self image" (Devos 1975: 31). The case study gives us a concrete insight into the assimilation
process and its inherent intrapsychic complexities. It shows a closeknit
Macedonian extended family who had a clear self-identification as
being Macedonian, as distinct from the other groups in their homeland.
They were a family with hostile and bitter experiences of the incoming
refugee population and Greek regional authorities before coming to
Australia. The brothers, instead of developing a clear sense of their
Macedonian self along similar lines, as a result of their past experiences,
develop apart. When responding to racist culture "defensive responses
of psychological differentiation" (Giles 1977: 234) are quite
evident in the split between the brothers' families. The brother who was in Australia for longer on work migration had
not internalized such a negative self image and developed a very clear
social and intrapsychic sense of his Macedonianness in the form of
both public and private identity. The brother who had remained in
his homeland for longer had internalized the oppression and negativity
inherent in the degradation of the Macedonian minority by the more
powerful social force as he and his family were subject to the sociopsychological
pressures ofHellenization. Whilst he has a very clear sense of his
private Macedonian identity, he takes on a new outer public identity
when situationally appropriate. However, he does have a very strong
sense of injustice in terms of what the family experienced in the
homeland, but a resignation to the fact that the family must accept
the Greek line if they don't want to lose any more. He had surrendered. Conclusion The main thrust of this work has been the isolation of the dialectic
of public and private identity in Macedonians. The next scholarly
task must be the development of a synthesis or a solution to help
Macedonians develop a positive self-image and heal their collective
Macedonian psyche to offset generations of racism and oppression,
so as to facilitate the further development of this nation into the
21st century. I believe this synthesis can only be written from within
this oppressed culture and that process in itself will be liberating.
I believe that this task lies with the scholars, but should then be
transformed into a socially palatable form of community development
or community education. The development of a public political culture
which is fundamental in this process is well on the way as a result
of the democratization of former socialist countries. More succinctly,
the recent declaration ofMacedonian sovereignty, which has been termed
by Macedonians as their third Ilinden, reflects and exemplifies the
modem Macedonian national consciousness that has taken a century to
affirm to the world. At the turn of the century when Macedonian revolutionary activity
was at its height, Goce Delchev (revolutionary leader of the Macedonian
nation) was often quoted as referring to the revolution for Macedonian
autonomy as extending beyond the physical and bloody fighting with
the Ottoman empire and other powers. It was in fact described as the
"spiritual revolution of an enslaved people". " ... the moral revolution -the revolution of the mind, heart
and soul of an enslaved people is our greatest task" (Letter,
March 1901). " ... the Internal Organization is not only involved in anning
the people, but also in developing their enslaved soul" (7 April,
1901 Congress Sofia -translated by the writer from Andonov-Poljanski
1985: 206-208). This type of revolution was aimed at the development of a positive
self and national image and a public political culture. Taken from an Englishwoman's journal at the turn of the century,
Lady E Thompson outlines relief work undertaken by the Macedonian
Relief Fund established by the Balkan Committee after the Ilinden
Insurrection of August, 1903. She outlines the following observations
about the devastating state of oppression the Macedonians found themselves
in, making Delchev's statements comprehensible. "There is too, an illness, more or less serious, and sometimes
fatal, peculiar to Macedonia, openly avowed by the sufferers and recognized
by name by the doctors- straf(fear). How many women, and men too,
did we not see this winter literally bent to the ground, unable. to
lift up their heads, unable to work, unable to speak and yet organically
sound and uninjured" (Ilieva 1977: 144). Fear was the "constant and characteristic disease" which
continued to afllict the Macedonian people even after the end of Ottoman
rule and the subsequent division. The following Macedonian proverb
crystalizes the psychological effects of oppression and fear as internalized
by the Macedonian people and gives us a glimpse of their psyche: "Navedena glava, ni sabja ne ja seche." Translated literally it means "a sword will not behead a head
that is bent down". The figurative meaning is also present in
the word 'navedena' or to bend down, meaning that if one surrenders
to one's fate and accepts enslavement, one will be spared from death
by the oppressor. Submission Appendix I Bibliography Andonov-Poljanski H, Goce Delchev, Istarska Naklada, Pula, 1985. Andonovski, H, Diplomskata Anti-Makedonska lgra, Misla, Skopje, 1967. Andonovski H, "The First Macedonian Primer Between the Two World
Wars: The ABECEDAR", in Popov C and Radin M, Contemporary Greek
Government Policy on the Macedonian Issue, Melbourne, 1989. Andreevski P, Nebeska Timjanovna, Nasha Kniga, Skopje, 1989. Banton M, "The Direction and Speed of Ethnic Change" in
Keyes C, Ethnic Change, University ofWashington Press, USA, 1981. Bologh R, Dialectical Phenomenology: Marx's Method, Routledge and
Kegan Paul, Boston, 1979. Bouchard, Ryan and Carranza, "Ingroup and Outgroup Reactions
to Mexican American Language Varieties" in De V os G and Romanucci-Roos
L (Eds), Ethnic Identity: Cultural Continuities and Change, Mayfield
Publishing, 1975. Berlowitz MJ and Edar RS (Eds), Racism and the Denial of Human Rights:
Beyond Ethnicity, MEP Publications, USA, 1984. Burnet J, "The Social and Historical Context of Ethnic Relations"
in Garder R and Kalin R (Eds), Canadian Social Psychology of Ethnic
Relations, Methuen, Canada, 1981. Claudin F, The Communist Movement, Penguin, 1975. Clyne M, Multilingual Australia, River Seine Publications, Melbourne, DeBray RGA, Guide To South Slavonic Linguistics, Slavica Pub. Inc,
USA, 1980. DeVos G, "Ethnic Pluralism: Conflict and Accommodation"
in Devos G and Romanucci-Ross L, Ethnic Identity: Cultural Continuities
and Change, Mayfield Publications, USA, 1975. Dimitrovski T, Koneski B and Stamatoski T, About the Macedonian Language,
Nova Makedonija, (Sp Ed), Skopje, 1976. Documents, Volume 1, The University ofKiril and Metodia, Macedonian
Review Ed, Skopje, 1985. Dupre L, Marx's Social Critique of Culture, Yale University Press,
Newhaven/ London, 1983. Edwards J, Language, Society and Identity, Basil Blackwell, Britain,
1985. Freire P, Cultural Action For Freedom, Penguin, USA, 1972. Freire P, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Penguin, USA, 1972. Freire P and Macedo D, Literacy: Reading the Word and the World, Bergin and Garvey Publishers, USA, 1987. Friedlander A, History and Psychoanalysis, Homes and Mein Publications,
New York, 1975. Friedman V, "The Sociolinguistics of Literary Macedonian"
in the International Journal of the Sociology of Language, No. 52,
1985. Friedman V, "Peasant and National Culture in South-East Europe"
in Balkanistica Ill, Slavica Publications, 1976. Gardner R and Kalin R, (Eds), Canadian Social Psychology of Ethnic
Relations, Methuen, Canada, 1981. Genesee F, "Cognitive and Social Consequences of Bilingualism"
in Gardner R, and Kalin R (Eds), Canadian Social Psychology of Ethnic
Relations, Methuen, Canada, 1981. Giles H, Language, Ethnicity and Intergroup Relations, Academic Press,
London, 1977. Glazer Nand Moynihan D, (Eds) Ethnicity, Harvard University Press,
1975/1981. Gold GL (Ed), Minorities and Mother-tongue Imagery, Canadian Institute Grujoski T, Bitola na Mojata Mladost, Misirkov, Bitola, 1987. Horowitz D, "Ethnic Identity" in Glazer N and Moynihan
D (Eds), Ilieva A, "The British Relief Mission in Macedonia" in
Macedonian Isaacs H, "Basis Group Identity" in Glazer N and Moynihan
D (Eds), Jackson TA, Dialectics, Lennox Hill, New York, 1936, 1971. Keyes C, "The Dialectic of Ethnic Change" in Keyes C (Ed),
Ethnic Change, University ofWashington Press, USA, 1981. Klein M, Love, Guilt and Reparation, Hograth Press, London, 1975. Ladas S, The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey,
MacMillan, New York, 1932. Martis N, The Falsification of Macedonian History, Alexander S Onassis
Publication Branch, Athens, 1984. Misirkov K, On Macedonian Matters, Macedonian Review Edition, Skopje,
197 4. (English translation 1903 edition). Nurigiani G, Macedonian Yesterday and Today, Teleuropa, Roma, 1967. O'Ballance E, The Greek Civil War 1944-1949, Fredrick A Praeger Publications,
USA, 1966. Perry D, The Politics of Terror, Duike University Press, London,
1988. Popov C and Radin M, Contemporary Greek Government Policy on the
Macedonian Issue and Discriminatory Practices in Breach of lnternational
Law, Central Organizational Committee For Macedonian Human Rights,
Australian Sub-Committee, Melbourne, 1989. Popov C and Radin M, The Way Ahead for Macedonian Human Rights, (Report
of the Europe 1989 Delegation), Iskra Publications, Adelaide, 1989. Roosens E, Creating Ethnicity: The Process of Ethnogenesis, Sage
Publications, USA, 1989. Sherwood R, The Psychodynamics of Race, Harvest Press, New Jersey,
1980. Simovski T, The Inhabited Places of Aegean Macedonia, Volume 1, Institut
za Nacionalna Istorija, Skopje, 1978. Stack JF (Ed), Ethnic Identities in a Transnational World, Greenwood
Press, USA, 1981. Tajfel H, The Social Psychology of Minorities, Report No. 38, Minority
Rights Group (no date). Todorovski G, "Egejskata Tema vo Sovremeniot Makedonski Roman"
in Literaturen Zbor, 1-2, Skopje, 1988. Trudgill P, Sociolinguistics, Penguin, 1983. Trudgill P and Tzavaras GV, "Why Albanian-Greeks are not Albanians"
in Giles H (Ed), Language, Ethnicity and lntergroup Relations, Academic
Press, London, 1977. Van Den Berghe P, The Ethnic Phenomenon, Elsevier, NewYork, 1981. Vasiliadis P, "Shifting Motherland, Shifting Ethnicity: The
Toronto Macedonians" in Gold GL (Ed), Minorities and Mother-tongue
Imagery, Canadian Institute of Social and Economic Research, Memorial
University of Newfoundland, Social and Economic Papers No 13, 1984. Weaver S, "The Struggle of the Nation State to Defme Aboriginal
Ethnicity: Canada and Australia" in Gold GL (Ed), Minorities
and Mothertongue Imagery, Canadian Institute of Social and Economic
Research, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Social and Economic
Papers No 13, 1984. Weigert A, Teitge SJ and Teitge DW, Society and Identity: Towards
a Sociological Psychology, Cambridge University Press, London, 1986. West R, Black Lamb and Grey Falcon, Macmillan Publishers, London,
1984. Yeboah SK, The Ideology of Racism, Hansib Press, Britain, 1988
Macedonian Agenda Copyright: 1995
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
 |